Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-m8qmq Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-23T11:31:17.820Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Rethinking Redistricting: How Drawing Uncompetitive Districts Eliminates Gerrymanders, Enhances Representation, and Improves Attitudes toward Congress

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 February 2006

Thomas L. Brunell
Affiliation:
University of Texas at Dallas

Extract

In every contested election there are inevitably winners and losers, both among the candidates and among the voters. Some candidates will take their seats as elected officials, and others will not. Some voters will be happy with the outcome, others will not. Here I seek to better understand the relationship between whether a voter casts a ballot for the winning candidate in U.S. House elections and that voter's evaluations of her representative. I build on a burgeoning literature on the relationship between voters and their elected governments to derive and test a theory about this connection. The data will show that voters whose preferred candidate wins a seat in the House of Representatives are systematically happier with their representative than those voters whom did not vote for the winning candidate. While this finding is not especially groundbreaking, the implications for the way in which we draw congressional and state legislative district lines are quite provocative. Specifically, since district lines in the House are necessarily an artificial construct, I argue that map makers ought to “pack” districts with as many like-minded partisans as possible. Trying to draw “competitive districts” effectively cracks ideologically congruent voters into separate districts, which has the effect of increasing the absolute number of voters who will be unhappy with the outcome and dissatisfied with their representative. I discuss the benefits of fundamentally rethinking the way in which we draw congressional and state legislative districts, as well as address likely concerns that might be raised about drawing districts this way.I would like to thank Jim Adams, Valerie Brunell, Bruce Cain, Geoff Evans, Bill Koetzle, Bernie Grofman, Sam Hirsch, Michael D. McDonald, Iain McLean, Sam Merrill, Glenn Phelps, David Rueda, Alec Stone Sweet, Chris Wlezian, and the Politics Group at Nuffield College for their comments.

Type
FEATURES
Copyright
© 2006 The American Political Science Association

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Anderson, Christopher J., and Christine A. Guillory. 1997. “Political Institutions and Satisfaction with Democracy: A Cross-National Analysis of Consensus and Majoritarian Systems.” American Political Science Review 91 (1): 6681.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Anderson, Christopher J., and Andrew J. LoTempio. 2002. “Winning, Losing and Political Trust in America.” British Journal of Political Science 32: 335351.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bowler, Shaun, and Todd Donovan. 2002. “Democracy, Institutions and Attitudes about Citizen Influence on Government.” British Journal of Political Science 32(4): 371390.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Buchler, Justin. 2005. “Competition, Representation, and Redistricting: The Case against Competitive Congressional Districts.” Journal of Theoretical Politics 17 (4): 431463.Google Scholar
Clarke, Harold D., and Alan C. Acock. 1989. “National Elections and Political Attitudes: The Case of Political Efficacy.” British Journal of Political Science 19(4): 551562.Google Scholar
Clarke, Harold D., and Allan Kornberg. 1992. “Do National Elections Affect Perceptions of MP Responsiveness? A Note on the Canadian Case.” Legislative Studies Quarterly 17(2): 183204.Google Scholar
Cox, Gary W., and Jonathan N. Katz. 2002. Elbridge Gerry's Salamander: The Electoral Consequences of the Reapportionment Revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Erikson, Robert. 1978. “Constituency Opinion and Congressional Behavior: A Reexamination of the Miller-Stokes Data.” American Journal of Political Science 22(3): 511535.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Erikson, Robert S., Norman R. Luttbeg, and William V. Holloway. 1975. “Knowing One's District: How Legislator's Predict Referendum Voting.” American Journal of Political Science 19(2): 231246.Google Scholar
Grofman, Bernard, and Thomas L. Brunell. 2005. “ The Art of the Dummymander: The Impact of Recent Redistrictings on the Partisan Makeup of Southern House Seats.” In Redistricting in the New Millennium, ed. Peter Galderisi. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.Google Scholar
Guinier, Lani. 1993. “Groups, Representation, and Race-Conscious Districting: A Case of the Emperor's Clothes.” Texas Law Review 71: 1589.Google Scholar
Guinier, Lani. 1994. The Tyranny of the Majority: Fundamental Fairness in Representative Democracy. New York: Free Press.Google Scholar
Hibbing, John R., and James T. Smith. 2001. “ What the American Public Wants Congress to Be.” In Congress Reconsidered, 7th edition, eds. Lawrence C. Dodd and Bruce I. Oppenheimer. Washington D.C.: CQ Press.Google Scholar
Hibbing, John R., and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse. 1995. Congress as Public Enemy: Public Attitudes towards American Political Institutions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Hirsch, Sam. 2003. “The United States House of Unrepresentatives: What Went Wrong in the Latest Round of Congressional Redistricting.” Election Law Journal 2(2): 179216.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Issacharoff, Samuel. 2002. “Gerrymandering and Political Cartels.” Harvard Law Review (116): 593648Google Scholar
Lee, David S., Enrico Moretti, and Matthew J. Butler. 2004. “Do Voters Affect or Elect Policies? Evidence from the U.S. House.” Quarterly Journal of Economics 1993(3): 807859.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mann, Thomas. 1978. Unsafe at any Margin: Interpreting Congressional Elections. Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute.Google Scholar
Mayhew, David R. 1974. Congress: The Electoral Connection. New Haven: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
McCrone, Donald J., and James H. Kuklinski. 1979. “The Delegate Theory of Representation.” American Journal of Political Science 23(2): 278300.Google Scholar
Miller, Nicholas R. 1983. “Pluralism and Social Choice.” American Political Science Review 77: 734747.Google Scholar
Miller, Warren E., and Donald E. Stokes. 1963. “Constituency Influence in Congress.” American Political Science Review 57(1): 4556.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Persily, Nathan. 2002. “In Defense of Foxes Guarding Henhouses: The Case for Judicial Acquiescence to Incumbent Protecting Gerrymanders.” Harvard Law Review (116): 649683.Google Scholar
Poole, Keith, and Howard Rosenthal. 1991. “On Dimensionalizing Roll Call Votes in the U.S. Congress.” American Political Science Review 85(4): 955960.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sapiro, Virginia, Steven J. Rosenstone, and the National Election Studies. 2002. American National Election Studies Cumulative Data File, 1948–2000 [Computer file]. 11th ICPSR version. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, Center for Political Studies [producer], 2002. Ann Arbor: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [distributor], 2002.Google Scholar