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Mimetic adoption and norm diffusion: ‘Western’ security cooperation in Southeast Asia?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 September 2010

Abstract

The members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have been pursuing new cooperative security agendas – namely, confidence-building measures (CBMs), preventive diplomacy (PD), conflict resolution and a set of agendas associated with security communities. The ASEAN members' pursuit of these agendas should be seen as a set of instances of their mimetic adoption of external norms for the sake of legitimacy. They have mimetically been adopting a set of norms associated with the collective management of conflicts, which have been practiced by the participant states of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). They have been doing so, with the intention of securing their identities as legitimate members of the community of modern states, and of enhancing the status of ASEAN and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) as legitimate cooperative security institutions.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2010

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References

1 The ARF is an Asia-Pacific region-wide framework, involving almost all the countries in the region. ASEAN established this forum in July 1993, holding the first ARF meeting in July 1994. The ARF participants today are the ten ASEAN members – Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, the Philippines, Brunei, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar – together with China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Papua New Guinea, the EU, the US, India, Mongolia, North Korea, Pakistan, Timor Leste, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

2 With regard to the third stage, the ARF Concept Paper produced by ASEAN used the expression ‘development of conflict-resolution mechanisms’. However, at China's request, the Chairman's Statement of the 1995 ARF used instead the words: ‘the elaboration of approaches to conflicts’. ASEAN, ‘The ASEAN Regional Forum: A Concept Paper’, 18 March 1995; and ARF, ‘Chairman's Statement, the Second ASEAN Regional Forum’, Brunei Darussalam (1 August 1995).

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17 Unofficial settings are called ‘track two’, while inter-governmental channels are called ‘track one’. The track-two activities are intended to support intergovernmental endeavours. The key players in the track-two activities have been participants of the ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS). ASEAN-ISIS is a coalition of strategic studies institutions of the Southeast Asian countries, and is registered with the ASEAN Secretariat as a non-governmental organisation (NGO). It is a network of researchers in these institutions who provide policy recommendations to their own governments. ASEAN-ISIS should be distinguished from other types of transnational activities, such as ‘transnational social movements’ or ‘transnational advocacy networks’. Such transnational activities often challenge governments. In contrast, the ASEAN-ISIS institutions have never attacked their own governments. Their role is to support the governments by exploring various innovative ideas and offering prudent policy advice. What makes ASEAN-ISIS different from other NGOs is each member institution's strong link with its government. Their links are maintained by meetings to discuss policies, the presentation of reports, and most importantly, informal personal relationships. Through such channels, input is sent to the governments from the institutions. ASEAN-ISIS plays a central role in the series of annual conferences of the Asia-Pacific Roundtable, which will be discussed later. For ASEAN-ISIS, see Katsumata, Asean's Cooperative Security Enterprise, chap. 4; and Katsumata, Hiro, ‘The Role of ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International Studies in Developing Security Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific Region’, Asian Journal of Political Science, 11:1 (2003), pp. 93111CrossRefGoogle Scholar . For transnational social movements, see, Klotz, ‘Transnational Activism and Global Transformations’. For transnational advocacy networks, see, Keck and Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders.

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21 ASEAN, ‘Chairman's Statement of the Eleventh ASEAN Summit’, Kuala Lumpur (12 December 2005).

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38 Interview with an anonymous Indonesian diplomat, Jakarta (9 January 2008).

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42 Bangkok Post, ‘Somkid: Thailand on the Verge of ‘First World’ Status’ (27 December 2003).

43 ChannelNewsAsia, ‘Better Quality of Life Will Define Singapore as a Top First World Nation’ (25 February 2007).

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46 Interview with Hassan Wirajuda, Jakarta (9 January 2008). For the Southeast Asian policymakers' concern about ASEAN's international reputation, also see, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, ‘Forging a United, Resilient and Integrated ASEAN’, address at the Opening of the 39th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting, Kuala Lumpur (25 July 2006); and ASEAN, ‘Chairperson's Statement of the Twelfth ASEAN Summit’, Cebu, Philippines (13 January 2007).

47 See, Ali Alatas, ‘Statement at the Twenty-Fourth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting’, Kuala Lumpur (19–20 July 1991); Datuk Abdullah Bin Ahmad Badawi, ‘Welcome Remarks at the Meeting between ASEAN and the Dialogue Partners’, Kuala Lumpur (22 July 1991); and Singapore, ‘Notice Paper No. 236 of 2007: Questions for Oral Answers for Parliament Sitting’ (17 September 2007).

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58 ASEAN, ‘ASEAN Security Community Plan of Action’.

59 Adler, ‘Seeds of Peaceful Change’.

60 The discussion of the domestic process in Indonesia is based on the author's interviews with Rizal Sukma, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Singapore (7 October 2005), and with Edy Prasetyono, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Singapore (8 January 2007).

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63 Kurt Weyland argues that, if the quest for legitimacy drives policy choice, the appearance of a novelty should immediately trigger emulation and policy diffusion should get under way in an explosive fashion. Weyland, Kurt, ‘Theories of Policy Diffusion: Lessons from Latin American Pension Reform’, World Politics, 57:2 (2005), p. 276CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

64 See ARF, ‘Chairman's Statement, the First ASEAN Regional Forum’, Bangkok (25 July 1994).

65 Interview with an anonymous Asian diplomat, Singapore (5 March 2004).

66 ARF, ‘Chairman's Statement, the Second ASEAN Regional Forum’.

67 The discussion of the senior officials meetings is based on the author's interviews with an anonymous Indonesian diplomat, Jakarta (9 January 2008).

68 Interview with Rizal Sukma, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Singapore (7 October 2005); and interview with Edy Prasetyono, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Singapore (8 January 2007).

69 See ARF, ‘Chairman's Statement, the Second ASEAN Regional Forum’.

70 See ARF, ‘Chairman's Statement, the Fourth ASEAN Regional Forum’.

71 ARF, ‘ASEAN Regional Forum Concept and Principles of Preventive Diplomacy’.

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74 ASEAN, ‘ASEAN Security Community Plan of Action’; and ASEAN, ‘Activities’, annexed to ASEAN Security Community Plan of Action.

75 ASEAN, ‘ASEAN Political-Security Community Blueprint’, Cha-am, Thailand (1 March 2009), p. 13.

76 Dow Jones International News, ‘US Invites International Nov Election Observers’ (10 August 2004); and Stephen Gardner, ‘US Voting Held under Europe's Eagle Eye’, European Voice (4 November 2004).

77 See, Agence France-Presse, ‘Danish Newspapers Reprint Controversial Mohammed Cartoon’, Copenhagen (13 February 2008); and Agence France-Presse, ‘Malaysia's Ex-Pm Mahathir Wants Iraq War Leaders on War Crimes Charges’, London (25 April 2008).