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Clarendon Palace: An Interim Report

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 January 2012

Extract

Every schoolboy knows the name of Clarendon in connexion with the Constitutions of Clarendon 1164; but as regards the importance, historically as well as archaeologically, of Clarendon Palace, as regards its gradual growth to great splendour and magnificence in Plantagenet days, and as regards its subsequent vicissitudes—on all these points I think it may be said without exaggeration that the world at large knows next to nothing; nor have such inquiries as have sporadically taken place into the history and archaeology of Clarendon Palace ever penetrated very deeply into the subject. Having through a variety of circumstances come to give a good deal of thought to these questions, I have developed the conviction that Clarendon Palace offers a field of study which is of prime importance, and indeed, from certain points of view, of unique importance for the medieval archaeology not only of England but of the whole of Europe. I venture to hope that the present paper, though necessarily in the nature of a preliminary summary, may afford grounds for conceding that this is not too large a claim to make.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Society of Antiquaries of London 1936

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References

page 55 note 1 Compare Ekblom, Einar, The Place-names of Wiltshire, Uppsala, 1917, p. 57.Google Scholar

page 55 note 2 Sir Richard Colt Hoare, Bt., The History of Modern Wiltshire, v, London, 1837Google Scholar, ‘The Hundred of Alderbury’, pp. 116–18.

page 56 note 1 Hoare, Colt, op. cit. p. 116Google Scholar. For further information about Clarendon Forest see ibid., pp. 116–50; and Cox, J. Charles, The Royal Forests of England, London, 1905, pp. 313–22Google Scholar.

page 56 note 2 Hatcher, H. in The Antiquarian and Architectural Year Book for MDCCCLXIV, p. 121Google Scholar, and in The Archaeological journal, ii (1846), 86Google Scholar. Compare on this point further Master, G. S. in The Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, xiii (1872), 34Google Scholar.

page 56 note 3 Hoare, Colt, op. cit., plate facing p. 162Google Scholar.

page 57 note 1 Round, J. H., Feudal England, London, 1909, p. 304.Google Scholar

page 58 note 1 Hoare, Colt, op. cit., p. 163.Google Scholar

page 58 note 2 Belloc, Hilaire, The Old Road, London, 1911, p. 87Google Scholar.

page 58 note 3 , Herbert of , Bosham, ‘Vita S. Thomae’, in J. C. Robertson's Materials for the History of Thomas Becket (Rolls Series), iii, 278.Google Scholar

page 58 note 4 For collecting the data relating to Clarendon and Henry II, printed in the edition ofthe Pipe Rolls, and for research among the Clarendon records in the Public Record Office, I am much indebted to Miss O. Elfrida Saunders.

page 58 note 5 Hoare, Colt, op. cit., p. 162.Google Scholar

page 59 note 1 Hoare, Colt, op. cit., p. 164.Google Scholar

page 59 note 2 Hoare, Colt, op. cit., pp. 151, 164–6.Google Scholar

page 59 note 3 The earliest collection of these records (in the original Latin as well as translated into English) is given in Hoare, Colt, op. cit., pp. 151–8Google Scholar. A fuller series is published by Turner, T. Hudson (translated into English) in Some Account of Domestic Architecture in England from the Conquest to the end of the Thirteenth Century, Oxford, 1851Google Scholar, ch. v; while a complete Calendar of the Liberate Rolls of Henry III is in course of publication, having up to now reached the year 1245. An article by Pettigrew, T. J., entitled ‘On the Ancient Royal Palace of Clarendon’, in Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc., xv (1859), 246–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar, collates all the material relating to Clarendon published by Hudson Turner.

page 60 note 1 Reproduced in Borenius and Tristram, , English Medieval Painting, 1927, pl. 38.Google Scholar

page 61 note 1 Compare Sir Phillipps, T. in Archaeologia, xxv (1834), 151–8Google Scholar; and Hoare, Colt, op. cit., pp. 158–60Google Scholar.

page 61 note 2 I am indebted to Mr. A. E. Stamp, C.B., F.S.A., for kindly communicating his notes of these records, as well as several belonging to the next reign.

page 61 note 3 Hoare, Colt, op. cit., p. 176.Google Scholar

page 62 note 4 See Britton, John, The Beauties of Wiltshire, London, 1801, p. 121.Google Scholar

page 62 note 2 Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swymbroke (ed. Thompson, E. M.), 1889, p. 101Google Scholar. For this reference I am indebted to Mr. John Charlton.

page 62 note 3 This has kindly been ascertained for me by Mr. A. E. Stamp.

page 62 note 4 Compare Hoare, Colt, op. cit., p. 167sq.Google Scholar

page 62 note 5 The Itinerary of John Leland (ed. Smith, Lucy Toulmin), London, 1907, i, 268sq.Google Scholar

page 62 note 6 Hoare, Colt, op. cit., p. 168.Google Scholar

page 63 note 1 See Hoare, Colt, op. cit., p. 150.Google Scholar

page 63 note 2 Foxe, John, Acts and Monuments, 2nd ed. 1570, p. 896.Google Scholar

page 63 note 3 Hoare, Colt, op. cit., p. 133Google Scholar. A seventeenth-century estate map of some interest is published in Wiltshire Notes and Queries, No. 85 (March 1914).

page 63 note 4 For all these facts see Hoare, Colt, op. cit., p. 144sq.Google Scholar

page 64 note 1 Stukeley, W., Itinerarium Curiosum, London, 1724, p. 130; 2nd ed. (1776), p. 138.Google Scholar

page 64 note 2 A photograph of the site, taken in April 1933 from approximately the same point of view as Stukeley's engraving, illustrates the eventual alteration of the character of the site, effected by the forces of nature (pl. x, 2); while two air photographs, re-produced by permission of the Air Ministry, give bird's-eye views of the site taken respectively on 29th September 1933 and 1st February 1935 (pl. xi, 1 and 2).

page 64 note 3 They are referred to by Sir Richard Colt Hoare and Sir Thomas Phillipps.

page 65 note 1 Survey of the Manor and Forest of Clarendon, Wiltshire, 1272(sic), Archaeologia, xxv (1834), 151–8.Google Scholar

page 65 note 2 The two most notable short papers on Clarendon which have appeared in the nineteenth century are one, entitled ‘The Royal Palace of Clarendon, Wiltshire ‘, based on information supplied by Hatcher, H., the historian of Salisbury, and published in The Antiquarian and Architectural Year Book for MDCCCLXIV, pp. 126–7Google Scholar; and another, called ‘Clarendon Palace’, which is printed (anonymously) in Wiltshire Notes and Queries, i (18931895), 206–11Google Scholar.

page 66 note 1 My warmest thanks for donations generously made towards the same object in 1933 and 1934 are also due to the following:—the late Mr. W. J. Andrew, F.S.A.; Col. J. M. Benet-Stanford; Mr. Richard Cartwright; Mr. G. H. Engleheart, F.S.A.; Canon E. H. Goddard, F.S.A.; Lord Herbert; Dr. W. Hildburgh, F.S.A.; Mr. Edward Hutton; Mr. T. D. Kendrick, F.S.A.; Mr. R. S. Newall, F.S.A.; Miss Edith Olivier; the Duke of Rutland, F.S.A.; Mr. Frank Stevens, O.B.E., F.S.A.

page 66 note 2 Other voluntary workers on the site, who have given valuable assistance and to whom we are greatly beholden, include Commander H. G. Higgins, R.N., D.S.O., and Miss Betty Murray. Special acknowledgements are also due to Dr. J. F. S. Stone, through whose good offices several air photographs of the site have at different periods been taken by the Royal Air Force; and to Miss Eva Dormer, many of whose drawings of the objects are reproduced in this paper.

page 67 note 1 Reproduced in Prior, E. S. and Gardner, A., An Account of Medieval Figure-Sculpture in England (Cambridge, 1912), fig. 116.Google Scholar

page 69 note 1 Excellent reproductions of French medieval tiles are given in Émile Amé's monumental monograph, Les Carrelages émaillés du moyen-âge et de la renaissance (Paris 1859)—a work much less known than it deserves to be and marking a splendid beginning in the study of its subject, which unfortunately has not been followed up in later yearsGoogle Scholar.

page 69 note 2 See Robinson, E. S. G., ‘A New Sterling of Namur’, in The Numismatic Chronicle, 1934, part iii, p. 228.Google Scholar

page 70 note 1 Hoare, Colt, op. cit., p. 128.Google Scholar

page 70 note 2 The earliest buildings are somewhat to the south of the present hall, and after the latter was built were used as stabling. This does not, however, affect the main argument.

page 70 note 3 References to pentices, e.g. between the king's and the queen's apartments, between the hall and the king's chamber, between the great gate and the almonry, etc., are numerous in the Liberate Rolls of the time of Henry III. This characteristic may be compared with, e.g., the arrangements shown in the Hatfield MSS. plan of Hertford.

page 71 note 1 e.g. the lawn between the queen's chamber and the chapel referred to in the Liberate Roll of 25 Henry III.

page 71 note 2 e.g. The exterior of the hall was whitewashed in 28 Henry III.

page 71 note 3 They resemble in size and shape the roofing tiles found at Old Sarum (Proc. Soc. Ant., xxvii, 235). The ridges of many of the roofs were finished with serrated ridge tiles; most of these appear to be of the same type as those found in the thirteenth–fourteenth century at Castle, Kidwelly (Archaeologia, lxxxiii, 1933, p. 119).Google Scholar

page 72 note 1 Liberate Roll 28 Henry III.

page 72 note 2 Account of Repairs, 1358–9 (Hoare, Colt, History of South Wiltshire, v, 176).Google Scholar

page 72 note 3 There are numerous references in the Liberate Rolls (temp. Henry III) to pentices or alleys between the hall and the king's chamber. A wall discovered abutting on the east end of the hall may be part of the foundations of such a construction.

page 73 note 1 28 Henry III.

page 73 note 2 Account of Repairs, ut supra.

page 74 note 1 A Liberate Roll (28 Henry III) speaks of a salsary which is between the kitchen that is 40 ft. square and the wall of the hall.

page 74 note 2 Proc. Soc. Ant., xxviii, 182 ff.

page 74 note 3 Doubtless that is the kitchen, the erection of which is referred to in Liberate Roll 28 Henry III.

page 74 note 4 Referred to in the Liberate Rolls (temp. Henry III). Its position is clearly defined in the orders for construction and repairs, but the purpose of the room is in doubt. The meaning of the word herlebecheria, which occurs only in connexion with Clarendon (in 1244), is not certainly known. In A Medieval Latin Word-List’ (Oxford, 1934)Google Scholar the compilers suggest ‘scullery’ as a possible meaning–an interpretation supported by the proximity of the room to the great kitchens.

page 75 note 1 No doubt that referred to in a Liberate Roll (temp. Henry III).

page 75 note 2 In this part of the site alone traces of post-medieval occupation have been found. A thumb-nail sketch of the gatehouse also occurs on the seventeenth-century estate map referred to above, p. 63, n. 3.

page 75 note 3 This may be the Great Gate to which frequent reference is made in the Liberate Rolls of Henrv III. The presence of the rubbish-pits agrees with statements in the Rolls ordering repairs to the common privy at the Great Gate.

page 76 note 1 The precinct wall referred to is of flint; in the time of Henry III, however, the enclosing wall is described as being of stone and lime; we may assume, there-fore, that the present precinct wall is at least later than Henry III, and is probably of late fourteenth- or early fifteenth-century date—a conclusion with which the pottery evidence from this part of the site agrees.

page 77 note 1 Museums Journal, 1934, p. 399.Google Scholar

page 77 note 2 Wilts. Arch. Mag., clviii, p. 259 f.

page 83 note 1 In the drawing here figured, for which I am indebted to Mr. G. C. Dunning, F.S.A., the dark brown paint is shown as solid black where it survives and heavily stippled where restored; the green paint is shown as stippled, with much lighter stippling where restored.

page 83 note 2 Antiq. Journ., xv, 186 ff.

page 84 note 1 A lead quarry in a sixteenth-century window at Hampton Court is figured in Proc. Soc. Antiq., xxiii, 367. Recently some excellent specimens have been recovered by H.M. Office of Works from Finchale Priory and Rievaulx Abbey.