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2. I do not attempt to demonstrate that the various states in question acted autonomously. Rather, I assume that government elites acted upon preferences that at least the officials themselves understood, to advance national or “public” interests. This assumption moves us beyond the debate on “relative autonomy” to explore more interesting questions about how government elites conceive of and attempt to implement state interests. For an overview of the state autonomy debate, primarily among neo-Marxists, see Carnoy, Martin, The State and Political Theory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. This point is made by Michael Mann: “The state is not merely a locus of class struggle, an instrument of class rule, the factor of social cohesion, the expression of core values, the centre of social allocation processes, the institutionalization of military force (as in the various reductionist theories)—it is a different socio-spatial organization. As a consequence we can treat states as actors, in the person of state elites.…” Mann, , “The Autonomous Power of the State: Its Origins, Mechanisms and Results,” Archives Européennes de Sociologie 25 (1984), p. 201.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4. These two approaches to the state, and the broad research agenda of which this article is a part, are explored in Skocpol, Theda, “Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research,” in Evans, Peter, Rueschemeyer, Dietrich, and Skocpol, , eds., Bringing the State Back In (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985).Google Scholar

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6. Quoted in Lantzke, Ulf, “The Role of International Cooperation,” in Alm, Alvin L. and Weiner, Robert J., eds., Oil Shock: Policy Response and Implementation (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, 1984), p. 81.Google Scholar

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12. I discuss the reasons for this failure in “The State and International Strategies of Adjustment” (mimeo, 1984). Other analysts give more weight to cooperative action by industrial oil-importing nations, particularly as instituted in International Energy Agency plans and programs. See Keohane, Robert O., “The International Energy Agency: State Influence and Transgovernmental Politics,” International Organization 32 (Autumn 1978), pp. 929–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walton, Ann-Margaret, “Atlantic Relations; Policy Coordination and Conflict: Atlantic Bargaining over Energy,” International Affairs 52 (04 1976), pp. 180–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Willrich, Mason and Conant, Melvin A., “The International Energy Agency: An Interpretation and Assessment,” American Journal of International Law 71 (1977), pp. 199–223CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Cowhey, Peter, The Problems of Plenty: Energy Policy and International Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), chap. 8.Google Scholar

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30. Cf. Zysman, John, Political Strategies for Industrial Order: State, Market and Industry in France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977)Google Scholar. I share with Zysman a focus on the historically unique and institutionally circumscribed character of state intervention in the economy. Zysman explores these constraints across industrial sectors within France, where he finds that government's organizational capacities least efficacious in support of firms producing for technologically sophisticated and quickly changing international markets. More recently, in Governments, Markets, and Growth, Zysman shifts to a focus on crossnational variations in the state's role in national economic adjustment. Here he finds decisive limits and possibilities for state direction of economic adjustment in the institutional structure of national financial systems. While I differ on the nature and implications of these constraints, I share Zysman's conceptual orientation.

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45. I acknowledge the limitations of this explanatory relationship. First, as the type of structure moves from the rather remote and gross features of state and society to the more proximate features of state administration and policy instruments, the structures become more tractable. We call a structure a structure because it does not change very quickly. But the specific features of structure (e.g., the placement of particular agencies) are more likely to change than the gross features (e.g., a federal system). I attempt to control for this by looking at the responses to an international crisis rather than responses to less pressing circumstances and events, and by looking primarily at the short and medium term rather than the long term. Specific features of structure are more likely to have an impact in the short term than in the long term. Thus the limitations of the rather proximate specification of the explanatory variable are mitigated by the framing of the empirical events to be explained.

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