Within feature geometry, different claims have been made about the range, unity and location of manner features with little support for a Manner node as a unit of subsegmental structure. The issue is reconsidered, drawing on evidence of interacting error patterns in the developing systems of three young children acquiring English. The results reveal that obstruent stops and glides can serve as targets of assimilation when the triggering features are [continuant], [nasal], or [approximant], but also block as targets under superficially similar circumstances. It is argued that these three features are dependents of the same node, namely Manner, and that default features must be permitted to be both specified and underspecified underlyingly.

A cognitive pragmatic approach is taken to some long-standing problem cases of negation, the so-called presupposition denial cases. It is argued that a full account of the processes and levels of representation involved in their interpretation typically requires the sequential pragmatic derivation of two different propositions expressed. The first is one in which the presupposition is preserved and, following the rejection of this, the second involves the echoic (metalinguistic) use of material falling in the scope of the negation. The semantic base for these processes is the standard anti-presuppositionalist wide-scope negation. A different view, developed by Burton-Roberts (1989a, b), takes presupposition to be a semantic relation encoded in natural language and so argues for a negation operator that does not cancel presuppositions. This view is shown to be flawed, in that it makes the false prediction that presupposition denial cases are semantic contradictions and it is based on too narrow a view of the role of pragmatic inferencing.

In this article I argue that both bare infinitival and participial complements of perception verbs in English are clausal constituents headed by the functional category Aspect, and differ only with respect to their aspectual value. Further, I argue that perception verbs license aspectual complements by virtue of being able to function as event control predicates, that is, they allow a control relation to be established between their own and the event argument provided by the predicate of the complement clause. It is shown that the entire cluster of syntactic and semantic properties that characterize direct perception constructions follows from the proposed analysis, in conjunction with independently motivated principles of grammar.

Contrary to Rivero & Terzi's (1995) claim that morphological mood and logical mood correlate one-to-one in Spanish imperatives, verbs in imperative sentences in all dialects of Spanish have obligatory non-imperative morphology more often than not. For example, the morphology of the verb in the imperative hágalo ‘do it’ is not imperative but subjunctive. A satisfactory account of semantic, syntactic, and morphological mismatches in Spanish imperatives must appeal to a Morphology module of grammar; real explanation is beyond the reach of purely syntactic analysis.

In this paper, we explore the interaction between lexical semantics and pragmatics. We argue that linguistic processing is informationally encapsulated and utilizes relatively simple ‘taxonomic’ lexical semantic knowledge. On this basis, defeasible lexical generalisations deliver defeasible parts of logical form. In contrast, pragmatic inference is open-ended and involves arbitrary real-world knowledge. Two axioms specify when pragmatic defaults override lexical ones. We demonstrate that modelling this interaction allows us to achieve a more refined interpretation of words in a discourse context than either the lexicon or pragmatics could do on their own.

The sequence make the claim that S has certain syntactic properties which indicate the presence of some sort of complex predicate, previously suggested to be a Light Verb Construction (LVC) or a reanalysis of N and V to a complex V. I consider and reject both these proposals, and propose an alternative structure which is still a type of complex predicate. Adopting the Locality framework of Manzini (1992, 1994), I show that a syntactic account of extractions from make the claim follows straightforwardly. I also show that extraction from make the claim is distinct from extraction from indefinites.

This paper presents an analysis of quantifier and wh-operator scope in terms of a lexicalized theory of quantifier storage, within the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. The proposed analysis provides an alternative to the derivational approach wherein quantifier scope is determined at a separate level of representation via movement, and shows how scope of quantifiers and wh-phrases (fronted or in situ) can be handled in a unified way in a constraint-based grammar. Lexicalization of quantifier storage offers an account of scope facts in raising and unbounded dependency constructions which have been problematic in an earlier constraint-based approach to quantifier scope.

This paper informally outlines a Labelled Deductive System for on-line language processing. Interpretation of a string is modelled as a composite lexically driven process of type deduction over labelled premises forming locally discrete databases, with rules of database inference then dictating their mode of combination. The particular LDS methodology is illustrated by a unified account of the interaction of wh-dependency and anaphora resolution, the so-called ‘cross-over’ phenomenon, currently acknowledged to resist a unified explanation. The shift of perspective this analysis requires is that interpretation is defined as a proof structure for labelled deduction, and assignment of such structure to a string is a dynamic left-right process in which linearity considerations are ineliminable.

As a contribution to the long-standing controversy in linguistics concerning the proper role in the grammar of syntax as opposed to the lexicon and of syntax as opposed to morphology, we study here the proposal made by Rivero 1992 that Modern Greek has a productive syntactic rule of Adverb Incorporation, and more generally Argument Incorporation. Based on measures of productivity and on idiosyncrasies in meaning that adverb-plus-verb and object-plus-verb combinations in Greek show, we argue that the phenomena in question are compounds or affixed forms that result from the operation of lexical rules. They are thus quintessentially morphological in nature, rather than syntactic. More generally, we see this outcome as an argument against frameworks in which morphology is collapsed into the syntactic component and in which morphology is not a separate component of grammar.

The first concern of this article is an analysis of locative sentences in the Iberian Romances. It is argued that both the existential (〈HAVE〉) and the stative (〈BE〉) construction derive from a single abstract verb. Their differences are based in the presence vs. the absence of an incorporation process over an otherwise identical lexical structure. The second topic of the paper is a study of the behavior of pronominal clitics within these sentences. It is observed that while Catalan has a rich paradigm of clitics (accusative, dative, locative, partitive), languages like Asturian, Galician and certain Spanish dialects resort to a ‘recycling’ strategy in order to palliate the deficiencies of their clitic paradigms. In this respect, we will show how accusative clitics are used as partitive, locative, and even subject clitics. We also propose some of the principles which constrain the application of this strategy. Finally, an Appendix is devoted to certain uses of the accusative clitics as modal markers, also within locative sentences. These uses are closely related with the behavior of certain clitics in Northern Italian dialects.

Serbo-Croatian (SC) is a language without articles, probably the only category of speech that has uncontroversially and crosslinguistically been argued to occupy the head of the Determiner Phrase (DP). This paper argues that even SC, a language without articles, projects a DP on top of NPs in argument positions. The strongest evidence comes from noun/pronoun asymmetries, where the pronouns precede, and nouns follow, certain intensifying adjectives. Assuming that these adjectives occupy a fixed syntactic position, the conclusion must be that pronouns occupy a structurally higher position than nouns. Since the evidence of such asymmetries is extremely sparse in the data, the children presumably cannot rely on them to conclude that there is a DP in SC. Since there are also no articles in SC, children have virtually no evidence of the existence of a DP. It must be then that the projection of DPs is a universal property, independent of the presence of the lexical item which solely occupies the head of the projection. Morphological properties of SC pronouns and adjectives actually support the existence of more than just one functional projection in the noun phrase in SC. The paper derives Greenberg's universal 43, which states that pronouns are more likely to have (gender) morphology than nouns, by arguing that pronouns move (overtly) through more functional projections than nouns, and ultimately land in D.

This paper argues that intonational phrasing in English is subject to two constraints formulated purely in terms of surface syntax. The first applies to all headed structures, and the second to all structures of coordination. It is claimed that these constraints account for the facts more adequately than Selkirk's Sense Unit Condition. Several problematic types of constructions are discussed in this context, including structures with parentheticals. In addition to the syntax, accent placement is also shown to be relevant to intonational phrasing. Finally, proposals are made for the incorporation of the syntactic constraints in an HPSG grammar of English.

Noam Chomsky,The Minimalist Program. (Current Studies in Linguistics 28.) Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995. Pp. 420.

The Minimalist Program, by Noam Chomsky, is a collection of four articles, ‘The Theory of Principles and Parameters’ (written with Howard Lasnik, 13–127), ‘Some notes on Economy of Derivation and representation’ (129–166), ‘A Minimalist Program for linguistic theory’ (167–217), and ‘Categories and transformations’ (219–394). The first three articles have appeared elsewhere, and are reprinted here with minor revisions. The fourth was circulated in manuscript form earlier in 1995 and is commonly referred to as ‘Chapter four’. The volume opens with an ‘Introduction’ (1–11) and closes with a general bibliography and an index (395–420).

The work collected here is based on material presented by Chomsky, and discussed by participating students, faculty, and visitors, in Chomsky's fall term lecture-seminars at MIT in the period of 1986 through 1994. For those who have ever wanted to attend these class lectures, but were never in the position to, this is a must read. The MIT Press is to be commended for having made this collection available in such an exemplary inexpensive volume.