The three terms which have been made the subject of the following investigation are all to be found in Greek sources. Two of them, γαζαρηνοί and φαρισαῖοι, only occur in biblical or Jewish historical works written in Greek. The third, ὑποκριταί although an old Greek concept, gained prominence mainly because of its occurrence in the Greek Bible in connexion with φαρισαῖοι. The first two terms are but transliterated Hebrew concepts used by the Greek writers as untranslatable loan-words. The third term is an original Greek word.

The remarkable rise of the ‘Aẓms from an inconspicuous family of landed campaigners at Ma‘arrat al-Nu‘man to a dynasty of governors that ruled in Syria for most of the eighteenth century owes its origin to the process of disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and its institutions.

It is one of the most tantalizing features of the ancient history of southern Asia that there is no generally accepted solution to the dating problems of the Kushan dynasty. The wide divergences of opinion still current with regard to this question were well evidenced by the lively discussions which took place at the Conference on the Date of Kanishka, held at the School of Oriental and African Studies from 20 to 22 April I960. It was rightly appreciated that numerous questions of Oriental history and archaeology depend on the correct solution of this problem.

Küçük Muḥammad was a man of obscure origin who, in 1087/1676, seized control of the Janissary headquarters in Cairo. Twice ousted from this position, he regained power there finally in 1103/1692, after collusion with Ibrāhīm Bey b. Dhi'l-Faqār, a prominent grandee of the Faqāriyya faction, and Ḥasan Ağga Balfiyya, the influential commanding officer of the Gönüllüyān corps.

In the new activity of qānūn-making at the beginning of the nineteenth century, Egypt preceded Turkey, especially with regard to criminal law. Although Egypt was still part of the Ottoman Empire, Muḥammad ‘Alī framed new laws based on Egyptian conditions and valid in Egypt only, while the Ottoman laws of the Tanzimat did not come into force in Egypt before Sa‘īd's days. The purpose of this paper is to trace the development of Egyptian penal laws in the nineteenth century, to analyse their relation to Ottoman laws, and to relate the story of the Ottoman Sultan's attempt to introduce into Egypt ‘the Tanzimat’—meaning mainly the Ottoman penal code.

The subject matter of this article is the disturbances which took place in the area under the control of the government of Qandahar. Between 1839 and 1841 Qandahar formed part of the dominions of Shāh Shuj¯ʻ al-Mulk and its government was nominally carried on by two of his sons, Fatḥ Jang (1839–40) and Muḥammad Tīmūr (1840–2). But in practice the day-to-day management of the government, outside the town of Qandahar, was conducted by the Pārsīwān revenue officials, who had been inherited from the Bārakzais, and who were under the control of the British Political Agent, who in turn was subordinate to Sir William Macnaghten, the Envoy and Minister with Shāh Shujāʻ.

Of twenty commercial treaties concluded between the Mamluk Sultans and the Kepublic of Venice one of 913/1507 is unique in that it was negotiated not, as was traditional, by a Venetian representative in Egypt but by a Mamluk ambassador in Venice.

In a passage found in all manuscripts of ‘Āshiqpashazāde's History of the Ottomans, and hence in the two editions ‘C’ and ‘G, the author relates that in 816/1413, when Meḥemmed I marched against his brother Mūsā, he himself—then a lad of about thirteen and evidently accompanying the army—fell ill and was left behind at Geyve (the township where the main road from Ankara to Constantinople crosses the Sakaria).

Since the beginning of the twentieth century evidence has become increasingly available to show that the use of Sanskritized prose in certain Hindi dialects long antedates the spread of Western influences in India. We owe this evidence above all to the efforts of the Nāgarī Pracāriṇī Sabhā of Banāras, which from the year 1900 has instituted an annual search for Hindi manuscripts, and has published reports of its investigations.

[For parts i and ii see BSOAS, xvi, 3, 1954,542–55, and xvir, 1, 1955, 92–110. On the death of Col. Lorimer, in February 1962, the whole of his rich collection of linguistic material, mostly unpublished, passed by his bequest into the possession of the School.

The Hikayat Sěri Rama (HSR) is a literary version in Malay of the Rāma story—a long, comprehensive, and basically Hindu prose narration with a few Islamic adjustments here and there. It seems to have been written in approximately the form known to us, or adapted to that form, soon after the coming

Older Khotanese Saka has the word jsei'ṇa-, jseiṇa-, jsäṇa-, superlative jsei'ndama-, later Khotanese jseiṇa-, jsaiṇa-, jseṇa-, jseṃṇa-, jsiṃṇa-, jsiṇa- ‘small’, of size rendering Sansk.

In his Spreading of Cāṇakya's aphorisms over ‘Greater India’ this author drew the attention to the similarity between the Pāli Lokanīti and the Burmese Nīti kyan. The present study contains a detailed analysis of these two sources and is not limited to their comparison with Cāṇakya's sayings.

‘Shaman, Saiva and Sufi’ in 1925 urged R. 0. Winstedt, M.A., D.Litt. (Oxon.), Malayan Civil Service, to write ‘a study of the evolution of Malay magic’. Hoping that Sir Richard Winstedt, K.B.E., C.M.G., M.A., D.Litt., LL.D., F.B.A., might be interested in the non-brahmin bhujangga of Bali, these exorcist priests of the sĕngguhu cast

The translation, included in this study, of the passages concerning vṛtti in the eighteenth chapter of Abhinavagupta's commentary on the Nātyaśāstra has been used as the starting-point for an attempt to determine the manner in which one small portion of the text and commentary reached their present confused state.

While studying Tiddim Chin (Kamhau) during a visit to the northern Chin Hills in 1954, I had an opportunity of making a brief investigation of Teizang, a neighbouring dialect closely akin to it. The paucity of first-hand material on the Chin dialects permits me to hope that it may be useful to set down some of my findings, tentative and limited as they are, and to make such comparisons as suggest themselves with the better known Tiddim Chin dialect.

My informant, Mr. Hau Za Lian [] came from Suangzang village [] a few miles from Tiddim, on the other side of the Manipur river. The phonetic and grammatical pattern of the language appeared to correspond closely with that of Tiddim Chin, 1 but certain differences were noted.

The Yüeh-fu hung-shan is a Ming dynasty work which is generally thought to have been lost. What little is known of it is entirely dependent on one man's description. On the strength of this, however, the work has come to occupy a fairly important position in histories of Chinese oral literature. The purpose of this article is to call attention to a surviving copy of the Yüeh-fu hung-shan, and to show that the nature of its contents has been completely misunderstood.

It is one of the most tantalizing features of the ancient history of southern Asia that there is no generally accepted solution to the dating problems of the Kushan dynasty. The wide divergences of opinion still current with regard to this question were well evidenced by the lively discussions which took place at the Conference on the Date of Kanishka, held at the School of Oriental and African Studies from 20 to 22 April I960. It was rightly appreciated that numerous questions of Oriental history and archaeology depend on the correct solution of this problem.

Most Sanskrit texts dealing with Indian music refer to 7 svaras (notes) and 22 śrutis (intervals ? microtones ?) which are said to be the basis of Indian music. Many modern writers in Western as well as the vernacular languages consider that śrutis refer to the microtonal variations in particular notes from one rāga to another. In order to convey the general opinion on the subject of intonation, we quote from Alain Daniélou, a prominent writer on North Indian music:

‘It is impossible to sing the complete scale of the shrutis accurately in succession (as some singers pretend to do), but they can all be sung with perfect accuracy when they are embodied in expressive scales’.