Monument 65, thus far the largest sculpture discovered from the almost completely destroyed site of Kaminaljuyu, has much to tell us about the enigma of this ancient city. Carvings on two sides of the flat tablet resonate with the most sacred concepts of the “Miraflores” people of Late Preclassic Kaminaljuyu. Partly because of the highly problematical picture further field archaeology can provide of Kaminaljuyu—a picture already problematical—but also because of the inherent value of a comparative orientation, I employ an explicitly comparative approach in order to speculate about the ideology encoded on the monument. According to such a comparative perspective, the depictions identify Kaminaljuyu rulers as conventional world- or cosmos-creators and sustainers, functions realized by the sacrifices of royal proxy victims or “twins” of the ruler. The captive scenes, shown on Side A, represent the duality of rulership expressed in a twinship of first, immortal “priest” or administrator—the ruler in his religious role—sacrificing a victim representing a first ideal man or “king,” and, by virtue of this, representing the ever-dying or magical fertility of the polity. On Side B, the creation seems to be manifested or metaphorized by the axis mundi.

Similarities in certain paintings and sculptures created by pre-Conquest and early Colonial Aztec artists strongly suggest that the original identities and nature of the tzitzimime changed over the decades following the Spanish conquest. These images support textual evidence that Spanish authors, typically mendicants and clergymen, quickly conflated the tzitzimime with the Devil and his servants, in the process demonizing and ultimately masculinizing them as well. Whereas the most important tzitzimime were apparently female in pre-Hispanic times, Colonial authors writing after the mid-sixteenth century described them as exclusively or predominantly male. The potential for the tzitzimime terrorizing people during periods of crisis, when the sun's continued passage through the firmament was perceived as doubtful, became the sole focus of late-Colonial descriptions of the role and attributes of the tzitzimime. In pre-Hispanic times, in contrast, the most important tzitzimime were ambivalent creator deities whose generative powers rendered them capable of preventing and curing illness as well as causing harm. In the beginning, the tzitzimime apparently were female, the principal tzitzimitl, Citlalinicue, having passed on her powers to her daughters and granddaughters. These descendants included the goddess Cihuacoatl who, like the goddess Citlalinicue, was the patroness of parturient Aztec women and midwives and closely associated with the souls of women who had died in childbirth. Itzpapalotl is another example, to which we can add Tlaltecuhtli, Coatlicue, and Coatlicue's four self-sacrificing sisters. It was probably not until the Aztec government was in a position to rework official history that the national male deity Huitzilopochtli was inserted into Aztec stories of the creation in his manifestation as Omitecuhtli, “Bone Lord.” Like other tzitzimime, however, Omitecuhtli was petitioned to heal the sick, especially children, and was subsequently called upon to bestow his generative powers on newly elected government officials. These magical powers were embedded in the tzitzimime's garments. Their capes and skirts were decorated with skulls and crossbones that were often combined with symbols of stars and, occasionally, stone knives. This explains why petitions for a tzitzimitl's assistance were apparently made at a stone platform bearing these same designs. The platforms represented the sacred capes and skirts that, legend suggests, were the essence of the gods. Midwives and curers of both sexes probably made special use of these platforms, which provided them direct access to the tzitzimime. Materializing the sacred garments that embodied the generative essence of the tzitzimime provided the Aztec with a means of petitioning their assistance in averting illness and cosmic destruction.

Ceramic and radiometric data from the three seasons of survey and excavations, 1995–1997, conducted in the coastal districts of Santa Rosa and Jutiapa in southeastern Guatemala are used to construct a chronological sequence for this previously little-known 1000-km2 region. Patterns of local ceramic manufacture and interregional trade are identified through the use of type-variety classification methods coupled with neutron-activation analysis. The resulting 3000-year-long uninterrupted chronological sequence, beginning in the Early Preclassic, shows patterns of continuity in manufacturing techniques, as well as evolving styles and shifting networks of interregional interactions that span much of the Pacific Coast and the highlands and lowlands of southeastern Mesoamerica, from the Gulf of Mexico to Copan, Honduras. These interactions indicate the southeastern Pacific Coast participated in exchange systems that brought together different ethnic groups whose cultural manifestations included Maya ceramics in the Preclassic and Classic periods, and ceramic, architectural, and sculptural evidence suggesting the southeastern Pacific Coast was actively involved in the Cotzumalguapa Nuclear Zone that stretched to the west into Escuintla and to the east into Pacific El Salvador during the Classic period.

Explanations for the emergence of the Aztec state need to consider changes in the climate and the potential effects resulting from these changes on the productivity of the lake network in the Valley of Mexico. Change in the human ecosystem is a complex process of interactions between multiple cultural variables and the environment. In this study, I examine the nature of three primary resources, fish, salt, and waterfowl, available for Early Aztec–period exploitation within the valley lake system. The intensification of lacustrine resource exploitation appears to be correlated with changing climatic conditions that occurred about a.d. 1150. Although the focus of this study is be on the cause-and-effect relationship between culture and environment, it is acknowledged that the environment is just one factor that must be considered to fully understand initial Aztec development.

Colonial chroniclers marveled at the quality and variety of textiles produced at the Postclassic center of Cholula. As a principal market center, textiles were produced for tribute and exchange, and other woven goods were manufactured for local consumption. This paper examines ethnohistorical and archaeological evidence to interpret the technology, materials, scale, and social relations of textile production. Original spindle-whorl data from the UA-1 domestic compound is contrasted with other whorls from Postclassic Cholula and from other sites in central Mexico. Results of this analysis indicate the complexity of pre-Columbian textile production and the significance of spinning and weaving in economic and social reconstructions of the past.

The Classic-period households of the Ceren village in the southeastern periphery of the Maya area provisioned themselves by one of three different economies. (1) Household members produced many items for intrahousehold use, including architecture, food, and some artifacts, with no input from outside. (2) Each household produced some commodity in excess of what they needed for their internal consumption, by means of part-time specialization, and they used this for exchange with other households within the village or nearby. This is termed the horizontal or village economy. The commodities included craft items such as groundstone tools and painted gourds as well as agricultural specialities such as agave for fiber. (3) Each household obtained distant exotic items, such as obsidian tools, jade axes, and polychrome serving ceramics, by exchanging their household surplus commodities in elite centers. In this paper, this is called the vertical economy. The choices available to commoner households in negotiating economic transactions in various elite centers gave them economic power and could have the effect of constraining the elite in setting exchange equivalencies. This is quite different from the view from the top of the pyramid which generally depicts commoners as the exploited class at the bottom of a powerful political and economic hierarchy.

Las construcciones que forman parte del asentamiento prehispánico y colonial de Tecoh se encuentran ubicadas parcialmente en el municipio de Sitilpech y también dentro de la hacienda Yokdzonot (Figura 1). En el Atlas Arqueológico de Yucatán (Garza Tarragona y Kurjack 1980:122) aparece identificado con el número 21 dentro de la Hoja 16Q-d(8) y se encuadra dentro de los asentamientos de Rango IV de su tipología. Este grupo viene definido de la siguiente forma: “se caracterizan por una gran variedad. En ellos se encuentran desde conjuntos aislados de dos o tres plataformas hasta asentamientos de amplia extensión y numerosas estructuras, pero con muy poca arquitectura monumental” (Garza Tarragona y Kurjack 1980:37).

The origin of the words $lsquo;cacao$rsquo; and $lsquo;chocolate$rsquo; and their use in the reconstruction of the early history of Mesoamerica, remain very controversial issues. Cambell and Kaufman (1976, American Antiquity 41:80–89), for example, proposed that the word $lsquo;cacao$rsquo; originated from Mixe–Zoque languages, thus possibly representing Olmec traditions. According to this argument, other Mesoamerican languages, including Nahuatl, borrowed the word as a symbol of prestige and Olmec influence. Other researchers claim the word $lsquo;chocolate$rsquo; represents a more recent neologism, a possible Maya–Nahuatl hybrid, due to the late appearance of the word in central Mexico's Colonial sources. We refute the putative Mixe–Zoque origin of $lsquo;cacao$rsquo; and provide linguistic evidence to propose that $lsquo;cacao,$rsquo; like $lsquo;chocolate,$rsquo; is a Uto-Aztecan term. Analysis of these words highlights general and particular evolutionary trends that originate from the Uto-Aztecan language family. In addition, we show that these two words were initially used as descriptive terms to refer to the shape of the plant's bean and the techniques of drink preparation. Etymological evidence verifies the use of a Mayan term for cacao as early as the Classic period (fourth century a.d.). This early appearance of the term in Mayan and the later diffusion of the Nahua word throughout all of Mesoamerica correlate with additional data to support the conclusion that Teotihuacanos spoke Nahuatl.

This issue's special section is the first of a two-part series on recent research conducted at the Aztec city-state of Otumba and the neighboring polities of Tepeapulco to the east and Teotihuacan to the west. Otumba is an extremely important site for the archaeological study of the Late Aztec period because, as Thomas H. Charlton, Deborah L. Nichols, and Cynthia L. Otis Charlton point out in their introduction, it is one of the few places in the Valley of Mexico where late pre-Columbian remains are not obscured by post-Hispanic occupation. Research directed by Charlton at Otumba began in the early 1960s and continued in the late 1980s under the direction of Charlton and Nichols, followed by laboratory and technical analyses of the archaeological materials as well as ecological and ethnohistoric studies. Charlton and his collaborators have amassed a prodigious amount of data, which allows them to address a wide range of issues revolving around the general question of the processes involved in the origins and development of the city-state in central Mexico during the Early and Middle Postclassic periods. They do so within a theoretical context that engages the two most prevalent general models proposed to account for the rise of Postclassic city-states in central Mexico.

This article presents a study of ceramic production in San Marcos Acteopan, a small village in the southern part of the state of Puebla, Mexico. Field observation and interviews with the families of two potters document the different steps of the ceramic production process. The approach is ethnographic and aims at better understanding ancient ceramic production. Special emphasis is given to raw material acquisition and paste preparation to provide comparative data for analysis of archaeological material and clay preparation strategies. This study adopts the perspective of ceramic ecology, which situates the information on ceramic production in environmental and socioeconomic contexts.

Otumba is one of a few Late Aztec-period city-states in the Basin of Mexico whose central city or town is not obscured by post-Conquest occupation. Long-term research there began in the early 1960s, with more recent fieldwork between 1987 and 1989, and has been complemented by intensive laboratory and technical analyses that are still underway. Traditional typological analyses have been aided by neutron activation analyses providing strong evidence of economic linkages between the Otumba city-state and raw material sources, as well as evidence of tribute and market distribution channels for finished products within and outside the Otumba city-state.

Tikal caches frequently contain a wide variety of marine materials such as shells, fish bones, and stingray spines (Coe 1990; Maxwell 1996). Beyond the possible use of stingray spines as bloodletters, however, little attention has been given to the role of these objects in ritual. Numerous caches contain the remains of toxic animals, including stingrays, porcupine fish, cone shells, and potentially toxic corals and sponges. Intriguingly, these objects are found in the greatest frequencies dating to the period from a.d. 562 to 695—known as the Tikal hiatus—beginning immediately following the defeat of Tikal by Caracol and ending with the ascension of Ruler A. It is proposed toxic marine objects were employed in rituals at Tikal and these rituals were most important during the hiatus period.

An interdisciplinary approach to Late Classic Maya polychrome-painted ceramics from Buenavista del Cayo and Cahal Pech, Belize allows for preliminary observations relevant to a better understanding of elite pottery production and use in the western Belize Valley. The combination of typological and contextual data from archaeological investigations of ceramics along with art-historical stylistic analyses and ceramic-paste chemical-composition data identifies ordinary and special-purpose vessels excavated from palace-midden contexts as having been created in the same elite-oriented or “palace” workshop(s) at Buenavista del Cayo. The method allows for the identification of unslipped, monochrome, and polychrome pottery excavated from “palace” contexts at nearby Cahal Pech as products of the “palace” school workshop(s) at Buenavista del Cayo, which implies movement of the ruling elite of the site between the two locales. The method also allows for the identification of a group of multiphase special-purpose ceramics excavated from Buenavista del Cayo “palace” middens whose chemical divergence from the other “palace-school” pottery provides evidence for the existence of different ceramic-paste recipes existing simultaneously within the same “palace” ceramic school or pottery tradition.

Although textiles were important commodities in the Aztec political economy, it is widely held that textile production did not involve organized workshops. In the late 1960s, Charlton (1971, 1981) found a concentration of large spindle whorls at the Aztec city-state capital of Otumba that he interpreted as remains of a maguey-fiber workshop. A subsequent survey and surface collections made by the Otumba Project discovered additional concentrations of spindle whorls associated with fiber-processing tools and manufacturing debris that provide substantial evidence for organized maguey-fiber workshops at Otumba. An unusually large sample of more than 1,600 spindle whorls was recovered in surface collections from sites in the Aztec city-state of Otumba where both small cotton whorls and large maguey whorls occurred in low densities associated with concentrations of domestic pottery (and in some cases house-mound remnants). In the Aztec capital town of Otumba, maguey spindle whorls were also present in localized dense concentrations within a restricted area of the site. These concentrations also included molds for making spindle whorls, “wasters,” a high density of heavily worn obsidian blades and basalt scrapers used in fiber production, and obsidian scrapers. Based on the quantities and types of associated artifacts we argue that these concentrations represent remains of Late Aztec maguey-fiber workshops that were household based. The workshops processed maguey fibers and made maguey spindle whorls in a range of sizes for spinning thin and thick threads and cordage. Secondary craft activities in one workshop included making cotton spindle whorls and some lapidary and figurine manufacturing. Maguey-fiber processing, spinning, and, presumably, weaving also took place in rural villages, but evidence of organized workshops has only been found at the urban center. The growth of the maguey-fiber industry at Otumba during the Late Postclassic period was part of a broader economic trend of production intensification in the northeastern Basin of Mexico that included xerophytic plant cultivation and craft specialization.

For much of this century, scholars have tended to dismiss the Madrid Codex as a resource because of the large number of apparent scribal errors in the hieroglyphic text of the manuscript. An examination of naming patterns and attribute distribution with respect to the codical deities, however, reveals that many of these so-called errors are patterned in meaningful ways. These patterns suggest that our view of the Maya pantheon as consisting of a series of discrete entities with distinct conceptual domains is a Western construct, rather than a valid representation of pre-Hispanic Maya ideology. Reference to ethnohistoric sources from both within the Maya area and elsewhere in Mesoamerica (e.g., accounts from central Mexico) provides a model for conceptualizing Maya deities as members of overlapping complexes or clusters, each composed of a small number of underlying divinities characterized by various aspects, or manifestations.

The study of changes in the social organization of maize preparation provides an important opportunity to examine the integration of households into larger systems of social and economic relationships. Spatial analysis of the distribution of manos and metates at Otumba demonstrates a change in maize production from individual, household based to a more specialized system. It is hypothesized that scarcity of firewood for cooking was a causal factor for this change, but more evidence is needed to test this idea.

The Maya haab, the 365-day solar year, ended with a 5-day period called “Uayeb.” According to Bishop Diego de Landa, preparations for the commencement of a New Year began during the Uayeb period of the preceding year. This paper concerns the events and ceremonies encompassing the beginning of a Cauac year and discusses the parallels between Landa's descriptions of these events and certain figures and activities portrayed in several almanacs of the Madrid Codex. Based on the calendrical structure of these almanacs, we argue that they pertain specifically to Uayeb-related ceremonies for a single year within the 52-year cycle, beginning on a day 13 Cauac.

Obsidian and ceramic artifacts from the Otumba project were analyzed by instrumental neutron-activation analysis. Sources for the obsidian were determined by comparison to a databank of Central Mexican source analyses. Ceramic sources were determined by comparison to a series of reference groups from the Basin of Mexico and by comparison with raw material samples. Obsidian from the lapidary workshop (Operation 11) comes predominantly from the Otumba and Pachuca sources. There is also an unknown compositional profile present among the artifacts. This profile may derive from a not-yet-sampled flow within one of several nearby obsidian-source areas, such as Otumba or Paredon. The majority of Otumba ceramics fall into a large group derived from clays of the Teotihuacan-valley alluvium. Aztec II Black-on-Orange and red-ware samples come from other sources in the eastern basin. Ceramics from sites along the trade route leading northeast toward Tulancingo include figurines derived from Otumba, figurines probably made locally near Tepeapulco and Tulancingo, and long-handle censers probably made in the latter two locations.

In a rather complex argument brought forth in 1993, Ross Parmenter tried to identify one of the place signs in the center of the Lienzo de Ihuitlan, called “Water” by Alfonso Caso (1961) as the place sign for the village of Tulancingo. This identification was mainly based on the fact that several of the royal couples associated with the place “Water” in the Lienzo de Ihuitlan also appear scattered around the dominant central church on the Lienzo de Tulancingo, which was photographed for the first time in 1974 by Jesús Franco Carrasco in the village of San Miguel Tulancingo. The same argument was presented by Carlos Rincón Mautner (1994). There is strong evidence, however, indicating that the place sign “Water” represents the village of Ihuitlan itself and that the Lienzo de Tulancingo originally came from the village of Ihuitlan.

This article explores the complex, multidimensional nature of Aztec social organization and, specifically, the concept of “eliteness,” as it applies to the Aztecs. I discuss both why we can speak of Aztec “elites” and how we can monitor them using ceramic data. I argue it is possible to distinguish elites archaeologically by identifying the ceramic attributes and variables that best reflect feasting behavior, one of the primary practices the Aztecs used to socially construct and reproduce unequal relations of power, wealth, and estate. Ceramics thus served as one of the primary media through which politically and socially charged “communication” occurred among the Aztecs. I define and evaluate six ceramic indices of eliteness using Late Aztec ceramic data (ca. a.d. 1350–1520) from Teotihuacan, an Aztec period altepetl (city-state) located in the northeastern Basin of Mexico. I use the most effective eliteness indices to interpret the intrasite spatial patterning of elite residences at Late Aztec Teotihuacan and infer some observations about the social and political organization of the altepetl.