The word eduka first occurs in Sanskrit in the Mahābhārata. It is accepted by the Poona edition but there are several variants. The passage is of interest because of the light it throws upon the meaning: viparītaś ca loko'yam bhaviṣyaty adharottaraḥ eḍūkān pūjayiṣyanti varjayiṣyanti devatāḥ śūdrāḥ paricariṣyanti na dvijān yuga-saṃkṣaye (64) āśrameṣu maharṣīnāṃ brāhmaṇāvasaiheṣu ca deva-sthāneṣu caityeṣu nāgāndm ālayeṣu ca (65) eḍuka-cihnā pṛthivī na deva-gṛha-bhūṣitā1

Rājasthānī in its historical aspect has been admirably served by Western scholarship—most notably by the work of Tessitori on Old Western Rājasthānī (OWR), and of Sir Ralph Turner on Gujarātī phonology (since OWR ‘represents the stage of comparative linguistic unity of Gujarātī and Rājasthānī’). Last year saw the unveiling in Bikaner of a memorial to Luigi Pio Tessitori; this year sees the seventieth anniversary of his birth, and the publication of the present volume in honour of Sir Ralph.

For centuries the law has held a paramount place in the civilization and structure of the Muslim world, at least in the Islamic ideal. The prestige it has enjoyed may, indeed, be regarded as without parallel in history, for this civilization was uniquely based on religion, and the religion of Islam has always accorded a pre-eminent place to law.

Nor is the reason for this pre-eminence far to seek. In the religion of Islam everything rests on divine revelation, without which man remains in a state of almost unrelieved ignorance. But, in the orthodox view, God has not revealed Himself and His nature, but rather His law.

As one reads through the Rigveda the āyú- stand out challenging attention. They are vīprās (8.12.13) and belong to the antiquity of the poets (9.10.6; 9.23.2 prtnasa āyávaḥ). Their activities are clearly to some extent identical with those of the kārú- officials. They even share one verse with these in RV 9.10.6 āpa dvrā matīnm pratn ṛṇvanti kārávaḥ hárasa āyávaḥ ‘the ancient kārú- officiants (and) the āyú- officiants have opened the gates of the formulae for the heat of the bull (soma)’. Both these types of officials thus assist in the production of mantras.

Ever since the West began to take an interest in the music of India, the great affinity of the Indian system with that of Greece has been one of the first characteristics to attract notice. As early as 1782 Sir William Jones remarked on it at length in what is perhaps the first detailed article on the subject written in any European language, entitled ‘On the musical modes of the Hindus’. Originally this was published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, but subsequently it was incorporated in a delightful collection published by Sourendro Mohun Tagore called Hindu music from various authors.

RajaRamRoy, the adopted son of Raja Ram Mohan Roy, went to England with his father. He remained there for several years after his father's death at Bristol in 1833.

In August 1835 Hobhouse, the President of the Board of Control, recorded that he had received an application on behalf of Raja Ram, ‘requesting that the opportunity may be afforded him previously to his return to his native country of acquiring an insight into the mode in which the public business is transacted in England’. The request appealed to Hobhouse, with his Whig and liberal sympathies, and at his recommendation Raja Ram was appointed an extra clerk in the offices of the Board of Control at a salary of £100 a year.

Long ago it was recognized by color che sanno that the Ādi Granth of the Sikhs, the Bible of the Panjab, began with the Western Hindi hymns and prose preachings of Guru Nānak (1469–1538), and thence grew to its present vast proportions by the accretion of his successors' utterances, in which the language gradually changed to Panjabi. On the other hand, the Dasam Gurugranth SĀhib of Gobind Singh, the tenth Sikh pontiff, which is not included in the Ādi Granth, is composed in more or less standard Western Hindi.

As we have pointed out elsewhere, the question of the date of the era of Kaniska still seems far from a final solution, and it will probably remain so until further evidence comes to light. Equally doubtful is the problem of the succession of the kings of Kaniṣka's dynasty, for their relationships are by no means settled and there are several kindred questions which are still unanswered. The evidence on the subject is extremely tenuous, and, as with the date of Kaniska himself, no final conclusions can be reached, but we propose to review the more important data, and to put forward some suggestions which may encourage further investigation of the problem.

On 3 January 1868, when an Imperial decree announced the Emperor's intention of resuming direct responsibility for the administration of Japan, those who had done most to bring this about had no detailed plans for the future of their country's governmental structure. In fact it was not until 15 August 1869 that the new system took anything like a stable shape. In the interval Japan's leaders worked largely by trial and error, partly in a search for a form of government which would meet their needs, partly in accordance with the dictates of political necessity, the final result being to place both power and office in the hands of what is often called the Meiji oligarchy: a handful of Court nobles (kuge) of relatively low rank and a slightly larger group of former samurai from the fiefs of Satsuma, Chōshū, Tosa, and Hizen.

Of the medieval Muslim historians writing in Arabic and Persian several supply us with lists of the viziers employed by Ṭughrul Beg, the first sultan of the Āl Seljuq.

The list supplied by Ibn al-Athir (died A.D. 1234) shows the following four persons as having acted in turn for him as vizier:

(1) Abū'l-Qāsim ‘All ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Juwaynī. (2) The Ra'īs al-Ru'asā Abū ‘Abd Allah al-Husayn ibn ‘Alī ibn Mīkā'īl. (3) The Niຓāam al-Mulk Abū Muḥammad al-Ḥasan ibn Muḥammad al-Dihistānī. (4) The ‘Amīd al-Mulk al-Kundurī.

The story of Maitrakanyaka is unquestionably old, and has survived in a number of versions which vary considerably in detail. The main outline of the story in the Avadāna-śataka, which is closely related to the versions in the Divyavadāna, the Avadāna-kalpalatā of Kṣemendra, and the Bhadrakalpāvaādna, is as follows:

A rich merchant, Mitra, for a long time has no children who survive childhood; and he is advised that if he gives a girl's name to the next son to be born to him, the child will live (yadi te putro jāyate, tasya dārikā-nāma sthāpayitavyam, evam asau cirajīvī bhaviṣyati). After the child's birth, the relatives say, ‘This boy is the son of Mitra (mitrasya putrah, as being equivalent to maitraḥ), and is a girl (kanyā ca); therefore let his name be Maitrakanyaka’.

The meanings of the root /gar- (1) are according to the concise statement of Neisser, ‘Stimme erheben, besingen; ehren, ruhmen, loben; beifällig, ehrend aufnehmenä. This accurately represents the facts, but it gives rise to an obvious question inasmuch as the last meaning, which involves no raising of the voice or utterance, is on consideration noticeably different from the first. Neisser's statement, which represents the consensus of opinion, assumes that the primary meaning of this root is ‘speak aloud, sing, proclaim, etc.’, and that the other set of meanings ‘welcome, approve, show appreciation, etc.’, represents a secondary meaning development, presumably through the intermediate stage ‘express approval’, etc.

The (abbreviated BM) ‘Garland of Devotees’ of Nābhā Dās (abbreviated N), which dates from the period A.D. 1600-20,l has long been known as a compendium of information regarding India's most celebrated Hindū devotees, and recognized as of great value for the history of Northern , particularly of the sects, and for its account of the conditions under which Hinduism flourished at the end of the sixteenth century. Such information as it gives us on secular matters is incidental and, on account of N's laconic style, frequently uncertain of interpretation.

It is now more than 50 years since Paul Pelliot studied, in Deux ītinéraires de Chine en Inde, a work which, together with Le Fou-nan, laid the foundations for much of the subsequent development of South East Asian studies, certain itineraries between China and the West. These itineraries had been compiled by Chia Tan (A.D. 730–805) and date from the period A.D. 785–805, but, the original compilation having been lost, they are extant only in the summaries preserved in the Hsin T‘ang shu. Among the routes included is one from Yunnan to India which crosses Upper Burma by alternative ways, bifurcating at Chu-ko Liang and rejoining in Eastern India whence it leads to Magadha.

TheRānī Pokhrī (Queen Lake) is situated at the northern end of the Ṭuṇḍkhel, the large parade ground of Kāṭhmāṇḍu, and near Kamalāchiṭol, the north-eastern sector of the town. The lake is rectangular in shape, and the lines of its banks run roughly north-south and east-west. In the middle of the lake is a Śaivite temple, which is connected to the western bank by a straight causeway. A few years ago the lake was enclosed by a high metal fence, built some ten yards back from the edge of the water.

General hypothesis. The (more or less subjective) quantity of a piece of speech, or the (more or less objective) minimum amount of time needed to enunciate it, is directly proportional to the square root of the product of the number of its syllables and the number of its phones. [Certain conventions are needed about the counting of the phones; and also about the counting of the syllables, though the area of possible doubt here is likely to be smaller.]

Every legal system requires a mass of prohibitions, and it may be a source of confusion to some of the lay public (who tend to think of law rather in terms of ‘must nots’ than ‘musts’) that it has this feature in common with a concurrent system of ethics. The confusion will be worsened if a great many prohibitions appear, perhaps in slightly different guises, in both. The human mind is quick, however, to discover ‘what you can get away with’, and in practice the distinction in modern times between a legal and a moral or ethical prohibition is well understood. There is indeed scope for holding quod fieri non debuit, factum valet.

Music has its origin in Nature, a fact which is recognized by the Chinese. Music may be conscious (men) or unconscious (animals, storm, etc.). Vocal imitation preceded instrumental, which may have originated in the limitations of the human vocal chords.

Speech is communication between man and man, between mind and mind; music is communication between man and Nature, the gods, the spirits. Ancient music was no more than the sounds of Nature combined into some sort of system. As we see in this work, vocal imitation of the sounds of Nature came before instrumental music. Learners of whistling were numerous when Shun ‘developed music and invented the lute’.

The observations offered in this article are based on notes on the pronunciation of a number of Gujarati speakers of different classes from various districts, including field notes recorded in 1938.

Although the speakers included Christians from Khera District and Surat, peasants and telis from Ahmedabad district, Nagar Brahmins of Ahmedabad, and Brahmins from South and Central Kathiawar, they all in their different ways and often in different words, provided examples and illustrations of widespread characteristics of Gujarati.

The system of endogamous castes arranged in a hierarchic order is a form of social structure characteristic of India and certain neighbouring countries affected by the influence of Hinduism. Its origin and historic development is the subject of a large literature based primarily on Sanskrit sources stemming from ancient and medieval times. Our knowledge of Indian social life in those times is due almost entirely to the work of Sanskrit scholars, and studies of the phenomenon of caste from a sociological point of view, such as that of Max Weber, remained few in numbers compared to the volume of treatises viewing the system in a purely historical perspective.