This article is about Queen Mother Yaa Asantewaa (c. 1830s–1921) ofEdweso (Ejisu) in Asante, locally famous in tradition for her supposed leadership role in the last Anglo–Asante conflict (1900–1), and now internationally celebrated as an epitome of African womanhood and resistance to European colonialism. The article is in three parts. The first part examines the historical record concerning Yaa Asantewaa and sets this within the conflicted context of Edweso–Kumase relations before, during and after her lifetime. It also considers her role in the 1900–1 war and the nationalist constructions placed on that role by later Asante and other Ghanaian commentators. The second part examines the politics of the celebrations held in Asante in 2000 to mark the centenary of the last Anglo–Asante war and to honour Yaa Asantewaa for her part in it. Discussion here is concerned with the struggle between the ruling Asante elite and the Rawlings government in Accra to take possession of Yaa Asantewaa's reputation and to define and reinterpret it for contemporary political purposes. This was also a significant and revealing episode in the run–up to the Ghanaian national elections of 2000, in which J. A. Kufuor's Asante–based NPP finally ousted Rawlings's NDC which, in various incarnations, had ruled Ghana for twenty years. The third part examines the recent and ever–growing afterlife of Yaa Asantewaa in the age of globalization and the Internet. Attention is paid in particular to the constructions placed on her by Americans of African descent and to cultural expressions of her present status as, perhaps, the most famous of all pre–colonial African women. Finally, Asante reactions to the internationalization of Yaa Asantewaa are considered. In general, and using the case of Yaa Asantewaa, this article sets out to show that in Asante – as elsewhere in Africa – history is a continuous and vivid presence, constantly fought over, reworked and reconfigured to make the past serve new needs and aspirations.

This article focuses on three concerns: (1) the historical and contemporary distinctiveness of the ‘north’ from the rest of Ghana; (2) the extent to which the ‘north’ is itself a distinct and united political entity; and (3) the relevance to the area of competing analyses of Ghanaian politics which emphasize:

• the continuing importance of a distinct ‘northern’ political consciousness;

• the role of competing Ghanaian political traditions based on ideology and related socio-economic divisions;

• the growth of conscious ‘self-interest’ on the part of individual voters; and

• the continued significance of local loyalties and rivalries, many of which pre-date the arrival of the British to the area in the final decades of the nineteenth century.

The article argues that while no monocausal analysis of northern politics is adequate, longstanding internal divisions and rivalries, and distinct local issues, have been highly significant in determining the characteristics of its politics. It further suggests that whilst individual self-interest and ideological and related socio-economic differences have some role in determining the political sympathies and allegiances of members of the political elite, their independent role in determining voting patterns at the local level is limited. Longstanding local divisions and patterns of loyalty may vary in their intensity and impact from time to time, but nevertheless continue to have the potential to shape general political and specific electoral behaviour. Such an analysis is not peculiar to the north, with areas in the south and east also having significant traditional rivalries. It is, however, of particular significance in the north because of its history and the prevalence of common assumptions about the north's having a distinct political identity.

Much of this article focuses on evidence gleaned from the 2004 elections, but it must be remembered that there are potentially serious limitations on the value of this source. In the first place it may be that electoral malpractice and various forms of vote rigging provide a distorted picture of what actually took place. While there were certainly attempts to buy votes in constituencies throughout the north, shooting incidents in Bawku and Tamale, and assaults and attempted assaults on election officials in at least three constituencies, the general impression was of a free, fair and credible election. Of more real significance, however, are the implicit features of an election – votes are aggregated so that we do not know the motivation behind individual voters' selections, and indeed each individual may have conflicting pressures and interests which have to be balanced into a single vote. It is certainly the contention here that underlying issues and actual electoral issues are not congruent; it is argued that only in a limited number of areas in the north did the underlying issues dominate the electoral outcome. It is, however, the potential for longstanding local divisions and loyalties to do so that is still significant today – and likely to remain so in the foreseeable future.

The failure of the nation state in sub‐Saharan Africa has been a topic of great concern in recent years. In this article I explore in detail the historical experience of one ethnic group in the Horn of Africa, the Sidāma, and show how the nation state has had a comparatively negative effect upon another group in southern Ethiopia, the Maale. For the Sidāma, historic disparagement by the state, though discouraged by the present Ethiopian government, is shown to continue into the present in regard to dispute settlement and policy making by the elders. The Maale, though different in culture and social structure, experienced similar distrust and disparagement in Ethiopia's revolutionary period (1974–91). In the case of the Sidāma, indications are that this has continued into the post‐revolutionary period of state‐sponsored parliamentary democracy.

As a solution I propose the ‘indirect state’ as a means not simply of maintaining the past culture of the Sidāma, but also of encouraging the people to originate change for themselves. Rather than institutional edicts being imposed from above by the nation state, the people will, in conjunction with other ethnic groups, negotiate both vertically and horizontally to reach consensual agreements for change.

Traditional Somali politics was based on two dialectically related principles: kinship and contract (tol iyo xeer). Kinship was founded on the segmentary lineage system under which people traced their descent to common male ancestors. Agnates functioned as corporate political groups because they were blood relatives. But the blood relation was not sufficient to establish a political system. Agnates functioned as corporate political groups because they negotiated a social contract that defined the terms of their collective unity.

The article provides insight into the current violent practices of urban youngsters in Kinshasa. At nightfall youth gangs transform the streets of Kinshasa's townships into arenas of the fight. Frequent regular clashes between these gangs create young violent leaders, who not only sow terror but also provide security for the inhabitants (young and old) of their territories. Although many of these boys and young men are trained in foreign fighting styles such as judo, jujitsu and karate, in the public clashes between the fighting groups, these boys and young men perform mukumbusu. This fighting style, inspired and based on the gorilla, was invented during the last decade of colonialism, and is an original mixture of a traditional Mongo wrestling practice, libanda, and Asian and Western fighting practices. In the article, I scrutinize the practices of these young fighters through the diverse images of masculinity (kimobali) upon which they draw, such as the fighter and the soldier; and the models of masculinity that they contest, the sapeur and the staffeur.

In the Sherlock Holmes stories Scotland Yard famously does not deploy science or make use of all those studies of blood and ash and bone which Holmes himself had pioneered. But the Yard is never so clumsy as when the occult seems to be involved – with suspected vampires, spectral dogs, tribal fetishes. The Yard's combination of ignorance, scepticism and credulity is shown to be the very worst of all attitudes to adopt. How much things have changed in one way and how little in another. Scotland Yard is now incredibly scientific. The assumed ritual murder of ‘Adam’, the African boy whose torso was found in the Thames, has allowed a dazzling exhibition of what scientific method can now achieve. On the other hand police interpretations of the African occult still combine ignorance, scepticism and credulity.