On 2 January 1625, the English ambassador Robert Anstruther met with King Christian IV of Norway and Denmark and requested his participation in a union of Protestant states against Emperor Ferdinand II and the Catholic League in Germany. Within three days, King Christian proposed to contribute five thousand soldiers for one year, as part of an army of almost thirty thousand men. In early June, despite opposition from the Danish Council of State, reluctant to put a huge amount of money into foreign affairs, Christian decided to join what he called “the war for the defence of Lower Saxony”. He then headed an army of mercenaries southwards through Lower Saxony, secured all crossings over the river Weser and prepared to confront the Catholic forces. On 29 November, it was decided that Denmark would be in charge of military operations in Northern Germany, whereas England and the United Provinces would provide a monthly subsidy. The political and military prospects for Denmark were excellent, to say the least. It had the fourth strongest navy in Europe (after Spain and the two new allies), and only a few years before the Danish warships had been described by a French observer as “merveilles de l'océan”. A small standing army of two regiments had recently been established and Denmark was the fourth European state to do so after France, Spain and the neighbouring Sweden.

In 1879, the Danish Ministry of Domestic Affairs approved a proposal to construct a building in Copenhagen that was meant to function as a boarding house for Greenlanders while they were being educated in the metropole. The building, “Grønlænderhjemmet”, was used as a boarding house for Greenlanders in Denmark from 1880 until 1896, when the practice of sending Greenlandic men to Denmark for educational purposes came to a halt. While in use, “Grønlænderhjemmet” functioned as an instrument for the colonial administration, and the boarding house embodied a central aspect of the colonial administration's strategy for civilising Greenlanders: to control the civilising process in order to ensure that Greenlanders did not loose their connection with their Inuit background.

The plural and particularised expressions of colonialism remain a central concern for post-colonial studies. This paper will discuss the role of the Norwegian Lutheran mission in colonial Madagascar in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. The case of a Protestant mission from a small European country operating in a French colony provides an interesting opportunity to explore the implications of inter-European dynamics in colonial politics and the role of religion in the relationships between missionaries, colonial subjects, and colonial powers.

As the decolonisation process began after World War II, new ties developed between independent countries, international organisations and donors of development aid. While the former colonial powers were prominent providers of aid to their former colonies, Sweden and Norway took pride in their lack of a colonial past, and considered themselves to be particularly suitable aid donors for this very reason. Norway established its first aid project in 1952; but despite this relatively early beginning, aid transfers remained low through the 1960s. Since the 1970s, however, both Sweden and Norway have been among the most generous aid donors. The countries have been comparatively active in the development policy area, both bilaterally and on an international level, encouraging international co-operation and co-ordination.