This paper reports the results of a forensic phonetic experiment which investigates the nature of long- and short-term within-speaker differences in the F-pattem of the same word hello said by six similar-sounding male speakers of Australian English. Short-term differences are obtained from recordings separated by about one minute, long-term differences from recordings separated by at least a year. Within-spcaker variation in the centre frequencies of the first four formants at well-defined points in the word is quantified by ANOVA, Scheffé's F and Euclidean distances. Very few significant differences occur in either the long- or short-term, and they appear largely random. Bom long- and short-term mean within-speaker differences are shown to be less than the corresponding mean between-speaker differences. Implications of the findings are discussed and directions for future research are outlined.

A poll of BrE pronunciation preferences was carried out in late 1998, based on a self-selected sample of nearly 2000 ‘speech-conscious’ respondents, who answered a hundred questions about words of uncertain or controversial pronunciation. The findings allow us to answer questions about lexical incidence and sound changes in progress. (This is a revised and considerably extended version of the report published as Wells 1999.)

There is widespread, immediate and enduring demand for high quality, natural, intelligible synthetic female voices in the expanding speech technology industry. Yet synthetic female voices are scarce, both in parametric text-to-speech (TTS) systems and in concatenative ones. Current female synthetic speech largely lacks naturalness, pleasantness and tolerability. Some acoustic specifications of female voices that are relevant to synthesis are discussed in detail. Recent research pertaining to female voice quality is reported and a ranking of these various considerations is proposed. This paper reviews the present situation and considers why there is a paucity of female voice synthesis.

This acoustic study investigates voiceless stops in Guaraní that are described as transparent to nasal harmony. Voiceless stops in oral versus nasal contexts are examined in relation to theoretical issues of locality and phonetic implementation. First, the oral/nasal and voicing properties of the stops are considered in connection to proposals in phonological theory that feature spreading produces strictly continuous spans of a spreading property. The stops are discovered to display the acoustic attributes of voiceless oral obstruents; no evidence of nasal airflow energy was observed during closure nor was the closure fully voiced. These results suggest that strict continuity of a spreading featural property is not always found in the phonetic output. Second, the timing of the voicelessness is addressed. Interestingly, the duration of voicelessness of the stops [p, t] remains the same across oral/nasal environments, although the voiceless interval shifts to persevere longer into the following vowel in nasal contexts. The velar stop does not exhibit an increased perseverance of voicelessness after closure release—it displays the longest VOT of all places of articulation, and its VOT remains unaffected by oral/nasal context. It is suggested that incorporating a notion of conflicting realizational requirements in models of phonetic implementation is important in interpreting these results.