A set of ordered rules for generating variants of a variable determines (a) underlying/surface distinctions among some of the variants and (b) a hierarchical classification of the variants. In the analytical framework of variable rules, frequency data on variant occurrences in context bear only on (b) and not on (a). We provide a combinatorial characterization and enumeration of the set of classifications on n variants, the set of underlying/surface configurations, and the set of rule orders. We describe the statistical and computational techniques for generalizing variable rule analysis to the inference of rule order. These procedures are applied to the problems of the reduction of syllable-final consonants <s>, <n>, and <r> in Caribbean Spanish (n = 3, 4, 6 variants, respectively). Previous analyses have tended to assume that successive weakenings occur in an intrinsic order determined by phonological strength. Our results show that aspiration and deletion can indeed be seen to be intrinsically ordered in both <s> and <r> reduction, though an unordered analysis is equally likely in the case of <s>. On the other hand, velarization and deletion of <n> are unordered, while vocalization is a subsequent process, independent of the other two. Similarly, spirantization, aspiration, and lateralization of <r> are unordered, as confirmed by data sets from both Puerto Rican and Panamanian speakers. Furthermore, with both <n> and <r>, intrinsically ordered rule schemata proved to be extremely unlikely by statistical criteria. Syllable-final consonant reduction then consists of largely independent processes, most of which occur simultaneously.

À partir de deux ensembles de données recueillies principalement auprés des mêmes locuteurs à 13 ans d'intervalle, le cheminement de cinq marqueurs discursifs dans la communauté francophone de Montréal est analysé. II s'agit de alors, tu-sais, je-veux-dire, tu-sais-veux-dire et disons. L'alternance des formes restrictives juste, rien que et seulement est aussi examinée. Les résultats obtenus montrent clairement que la différenciation selon l'âge observée à partir de données synchroniques peut (a) correspondre à des emplois qui se modifient au cours de la vie des locuteurs: c'est le cas de alors dont le taux augmente en vieillissant; (b) indiquer un changement en cours: c'est le cas de tu-sais qui a connu une augmentation significative entre les deux années, et de juste qui tend a supplanter les autres variantes; (c) traduire une mode associée à une génération spécifique (cf. disons). Par ailleurs, certaines variables connaissent une progression importante dans la communauté sans être associées à un sousgroupe social particulier (le marqueur tu-sais-veux-dire).

This article contributes to the understanding of the origin and function of verbal -s marking in the Black English grammar by systematically examining the behaviour of this affix in two corpora on early Black English. To ascertain whether the variation observed in (early and modern Black English) -s usage has a precedent in the history of the language, or is rather an intrusion from another system, we focus particularly on the linguistic and social contexts of its occurrence, within a historical and comparative perspective. Our results show that both third person singular and nonconcord -s are subject to regular, parallel environmental conditioning. The finding that both insertion and deletion are conditioned by the same factors suggests that verbal -s marking is a unitary process, involving both concord and nonconcord contexts. Moreover, the (few) variable constraints on verbal -s usage reported throughout the history of the English language remain operative in early Black English. These results, taken in conjunction with indications that -s marking across the verbal paradigm was a prestige marker in the dialect at some earlier point in time, lead us to hypothesize that the contemporary pattern might be a synchronic reflex of the constraint ranking on -s usage in the varieties of English that provided the linguistic model for the slaves. Many of the conditioning effects we report would have been subsequently overridden by the grammaticalization of -s as the Standard English agreement marker. We conclude that present-tense marking via verbal -s formed an integral part of the early Black English grammar.

Though the diachronic dimension of linguistic variation is often identified with linguistic change, many stable linguistic variables with no synchronic motivation show historical continuity with little change over long periods of time. Children acquire at an early age historically transmitted constraints on variables that appear to have no communicative significance, such as the grammatical conditioning of (ing) in English. Studies of (td) and (ing) in King of Prussia families show that children have matched their parents' patterns of variation by age 7, before many categorical phonological and grammatical rules are established. Some dialect-specific and socially marked constraints are acquired before constraints with general articulatory motivation. Constraints on (td) appear in the speech of a 4-year-old, but there is no evidence in the productions of a 2-year-old child in the same family.

This article investigates the grammaticalization process of liao as a main verb in 10th-century vernacular texts to le as an aspectual particle in modern Chinese. I propose that two processes are involved. First, with the “resultative construction” coming into existence in the language, some instances of liao were reanalyzed as the phase complement of the new morphological construction. Second, other instances of the verb began to lose their verbness by taking sentential subjects and occurring in temporal clauses only. These processes gave rise to the positional change of liao from after the complement of the verb to before the complement of the verb of le.