How marvelous to observe what pure ecstasy dance brings to small children where the movement has become an exploration of the total being. “spontaneity and creativity working together toward a knowing, doing, and valuing experience” (Dimondstein 249). But dance as defined in America, when applied to the young means one thing, to the middle-aged another, and to the aged something entirely different.

The whole spectrum of movement is diminished for the aged. Within our system we have subtle culturally determined reinforcers which encourage negative self-images and attitudes as people grow old. Our society prescribes, along with what we eat, wear, and think, even how and when we shall grow old. Individuals are forced to assume the characteristic physical and mental attitudes of the aged, once they have acquired a certain number of years. The current aged population is a product of its upbringing - of the youth culture and “the Pepsi generation.” Forced into obsolescence, the bodies of the aged become “folded inward” reflecting and enforcing their withdrawal from society. Their perception of themselves as fragile is visible in their every movement.

This paper focuses on aging as a natural biological process and studies the role of movement and exercise in this process. It puts forth the thesis that regular programs of dance and movement are vital for the physical and mental well-being of the aged in our society.

Recently, events occurring in the tiny, relatively marginal world of dance notation (made public in Britain through ‘Tomorrow's World’, BBC1, 18th April, 1974) seem to call for a commemorative note in the Dance Research Journal of CORD, although technological breakthroughs are not usually subjects given serious attention by an anthropologist (1).

The new IBM ‘selectric element’ (i.e., a spherical ball which can be attached to electric typewriters having 88 Labanotation symbols on it) is more than deserving of anthropological attention, indeed, in my view, the matter rates linguistic and philosophical attention as well. In theory, the IBM ‘action sign ball’ has similar potential for wide repercussions in our lives as did Gutenberg's invention several centuries ago. The graphic linguistic sign can now be joined by its obvious counterpart, the printed human action sign.

Somewhat ironically, in today's world, it is technology which may finally establish the credibility of action sign notation (2). More ironic is the fact that IBM's superb achievement (in process of development in the U.S. since 1966) is likely to be denied full recognition because already, ‘the ball’ is being looked on by many as a mere practical aid to recording human movement and it is being associated with specialist fields like dance. As usual, concern with the syntagmata obscures the real issues of the paradigms. This is s a great pity, for there is much more to IBM's action sign ball than ‘practical aids’. Moreover, like any piece of technology, say, the camera, it will only be effective insofar as the vision of the people using it permits.

Those of us in the field of dance may encounter difficulties discussing the many facets of dance among ourselves, but most of us take for granted that dance can be an art form. Currently, however, there are many approaches to dance including chance choreography, the dance happening, non-dance, and minimal dance which are in radical contrast to what has generally been accepted as the art of dance. It is reasonable to raise questions about how the new dance forms fit into the established scheme of things. It is reasonable to also raise questions about the defining properties of art in general. The purpose of this paper is to point out very briefly, some of the thoughts of respected aestheticians on the concept of art. An examination of pertinent aesthetic theory will indicate there can be no simple answer to the question, “What is art?”. There is no one theory of the artistic which offers a comprehensive explanation. A cross section of references chosen for their readability, accessibility, and relatedness bears this out. Although there are no articles devoted specifically to dance, one can sift through the material and find what pertains not only to art in general, but also to dance.

Because the world of art is always changing, the phrase, “work of art,” is bound to be used in varying ways. Paul Ziff has pointed out the difficulties in arriving at a definition of art. Disputes occur simply because of what critics mean when they refer to something as being a work of art. Ziff maintains that these disputes must always be examined in the social context in which they occur.

The purpose of this essay on Dances of Anáhuac by Gertrude P. Kurath and Samuel Marti is twofold: to assess the authors' explanation for the existence of dance as a behavioral phenomenon in Mexican prehistory, and to assess the use of dance representation--objectification of a transient phenomenon in ceramic, lithic, or painting form--as correlative data in understanding processual change in time and space. To reach these goals, I will evaluate how Kurath and Marti meet their stated objectives, indicating some of the problems, and then suggest a complementary hypothesis for the purpose, development, and change in dance. My argument for this hypothesis is derived from theories dealing with a particular conceptualization of dance (including its intrinsic properties which allow it to function as an affective and cognitive semiotic system), persuasive communication, socio-political change (stratification and integration) in general and in Anáhuac, and art iconography. These will be discussed as well as some considerations for testing the hypothesis.