IT is for man that education must exist. Such a statement may seem too obvious to make at all. Yet its meaning is rarely understood today. Too many contemporary educators fail to recognize the central point of man in the educative process. There is lavish talk of education for the masses, education for today, education for tomorrow, education for democracy, education for business, education for science and industry, education for power and even education for death. But the real problem is education for man. Man may make various uses of his education in contributing to political and social enlightenment, in increasing our technological control, in elevating the standards of the multitude, and in diminishing human pain and suffering (or in increasing the agony of men by multiplying methods and instruments of war and death). These uses, however, are after-products. The particular product — and the root-problem — is man and his personal and spiritual awakening, growth and fulfillment.

“I Must take recourse to fiction and put together a figure made up of many things like the fabulous unions of goats and stags which are found in pictures." So speaks the philosopher in Plato's Republic when he faces the enigmatic nature of the common man or the people. Then he proceeds to evoke two images.

If race-thinking were a German invention, as it is now sometimes asserted, then “German thinking” (whatever that may be) was victorious in many parts of the spiritual world long before the Nazis started their illfated attempt at world conquest. Hitlerism exercised its strong international and inter-Europeanappeal during the 'thirties because racism, although a state doctrine only in Germany, had been everywhere a powerful trend in public opinion. The Nazi political warmachine had long been in motion when in 1939 German tanks began their march of destruction, since—in political warfare—racism was calculated to be a more powerful ally than any paid agent or any secret organization of fifth columnists. Strengthened by the experiences of almost two decades in the various capitals, the Nazis were confident that their best “propaganda” would be their racial policy itself, from which, despite many other compromises and broken promises, they had never drifted away for expediency's sake. Racism was neither a new nor a secret weapon, though never before had it been used with this thorough-going consistency.

The history of the Third French Republic is, in one of its fundamental aspects, that of a great politico-religious crisis. In this period the political and religious problems were very closely interrelated. In fact, the religious problem was in large part stated in political terms as the political problem was stated in religious terms. The political conflict and the religious conflict coincided rather closely. Andté Siegfried, observing this fact in his book, Tableau des partis en France, quotes the humorous explanation of a Leftist candidate who had been defeated in a department of central France: “The amusing part of the election was that my disagreement with my fellow citizens was not about the things of this world, but about those of the next. Because my opponents repeated it to me so many times, I now believe they would have willingly trusted me with the things of this world if we had only been able to agree on those of the next. I was defeated as politically incompetent for theological reasons.”

The outstanding merit of James Madison consists in having contributed notably to the making of a constitution that would serve as an instrument of government to achieve the happiness of the nation and the greatness of the United States of America. Without departing from modern political doctrines, the formula conceived by him is perfectly suited to the social life, temperament, manners, and natural inclination of the American people; reconciling in this way the rational juridical principle of self-government with what Santa Maria de Paredes calls “the historical positive.” It is something made to measure, by masterly hands, in accordance with the supreme postulates of science.