¹ An oral version of this article was delivered at Reading University in February 2001; I am grateful to all who participated in that discussion. I would also like to thank Dr Armand D'Angour, Professor Robert Parker, Professor Peter Parsons and Dr Nicholas Richardson for valuable criticisms of the written version, and the anonymous referees of JHS for several helpful comments. The responsibility for the argument remains my own. I am grateful to Professor Felice Costabile and the Soprintendenza Archeologica della Calabria for permission to reproduce the photograph in Plate 1.

² Paus. 6.6.4; CEG 1.399.

³ Paus. 6.6.5-6. The inscription on his statue base in Olympia is extant (CEG 1.399) and his name can be restored on the Oxyrhynchus victor list (POxy 222 col. i.12, 25). Three-time Olympic victors enjoyed a special status: Plin. Nat. 34.16.

⁴ Ael. VH 8.18.

⁵ Paus. 6.6.4.

⁶ Call. fr. 98 Pf. and Diegesis 4.6-17; Strabo 6.1.5 255; Paus. 6.6.7-11; Ael. VH 8.18; Suda s.v. Εὔθυμος.

⁷ Plin. Nat. 7.152 = Call. fr. 99 Pf.

⁸ Paus. 6.6.10.

⁹ Call. fr. 99 Pf.

¹⁰ Ael. VH 8.18. Cf. Paus. 6.6.10.

¹¹ Costabile, F. et al. , I ninfei di Locri Epizefiri (Catanzaro 1991) 195–238Google Scholar. SEG 42.906.

¹² A unified logos is assumed by, e.g., A. Mele, ‘L'eroe di Temesa tra Ausoni e Greci’, in Lepore, E. and Mele, A., ‘Pratiche rituali e culti eroici in Magna Grecia’, in Forme di contatto e processi di trasformazione nelle società antiche. Atti del Convegno di Cortona (24-30 maggio 1981) (Pisa and Rome 1983) 848-88 at 860, 863Google Scholar.

¹³ Cf. Burkert, W., Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism (Cambridge, MA 1972) 120, 136–7Google Scholar, on the problems of separating out ‘fact’ and ‘fiction’ in the biographies of figures like Pythagoras. Below it will be suggested how the fight with the Hero could have been ‘real’ from the contemporary perspective.

¹⁴ See, e.g., Fontenrose, J., ‘The hero as athlete’, CSCA 1 (1968) 73–104Google Scholar; Bohringer, F., ‘Cultes d'athlètes en Grèce classique: propos politiques, discours mythiques’, REA 81 (1979) 5–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kurke, L., ‘The economy of kudos’, in Dougherty, C. and Kurke, L. (eds), Cultural Poetics in Archaic Greece. Cult, Performance, Politics (Cambridge 1993) 131–63Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Cf. Boehringer, D., ‘Zur Heroisierung historischer Persönlichkeiten bei den Griechen’, in Flashar, M., Gehrke, H.-J. and Heinrich, E. (eds), Retrospektive. Konzepte von Vergangenheit in der griechisch-römischen Antike (Munich 1996) 37–61Google Scholar at 37. Some pertinent observations are also to be found in Connolly, A., ‘Was Sophocles heroised as Dexion?’, JHS 118 (1998) 1–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ For a bibliography, see Lehnus, L., Nuova bibliografia Callimachea 1489–1998 (Geneva 2000) 90–2Google Scholar. Add Costabile (n. 11) 195-238; Müller, P., ‘Sybaris II’, LIMC 7.1 (1994) 824–5Google Scholar. A survey of scholarship up to 1991 is given by Visintin, M., La vergine e l'eroe. Temesa e la leggenda di Euthymos di Locri (Bari 1992) 41–58Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Maaß, E., ‘Der Kampf um Temesa’, JDAI 22 (1907) 18–53Google Scholar; De Sanctis, G., ‘L'Eroe di Temesa’, Atti dell'Accademia delle Scienze di Torino 45 (1909-1910) 164–72Google Scholar; Giannelli, G., Culti e miti della Magna Grecia (Florence 1924) 261–71Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Pais, E., ‘The legend of Euthymos of Locri’, in Ancient Italy (Chicago and London 1908) 39–51Google Scholar (= ‘La leggenda di Eutimo di Locri e del Heroon di Temesa’, in Ricerche di storia e di geografia dell'Italia antica (Turin 1908) 43–56Google Scholar = Italia antica. Ricerche di storia e geografia storica 2 (Bologna 1922) 79–91)Google Scholar; Ciaceri, E., Storia della Magna Grecia (2nd edn, Rome 1928) 1.258–66Google Scholar; Peronaci, A., Metaponto. Atti del XIII convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia (Naples 1974) 269–74Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Eitrem, S., ‘Sybaris’, RE 5A (1932) 1002–5Google Scholar at 1003.41-4: ‘Wenn nicht schon ein anderer Euthymos den schwarzen temesäischen Dämon besiegt hatte, wäre es fast unbegreiflich, daß der Faustkämpfer ihn verdrängt hätte.’

²⁰ Compare Visintin (n.16) 10, 30.

²¹ Bohringer (n.14): ‘ces cultes oblitèrent des périodes de faiblesse et de division des cités, sauvant la face de la communauté en récupérant un représentant illustre mais contestable’ (15); ‘Le culte d'athlètes en Grèce classique efface… faiblesses, divisions, crises passées…’ (18). For Bohringer it is crucial that such cults are posthumous. He is therefore (15) disinclined to accept Pliny's statement that sacrifices were made to Euthymos in his lifetime.

²² Bohringer (n.14) 11, 15. For the conflict between Locri and Rhegion, cf. schol. Pind. Pyth. 2.36c, 2.38, 1.99a (= Epicharmus 96 PCG); Justin 21.3.2.

²³ Cf. Costabile (n. 11) 213-14.

²⁴ Bohringer (n.14) 18: ‘Le culte d'athlètes en Grèce classique… affirme et raffermit l'unité du groupe…’

²⁵ Boehringer (n.15) reduces the phenomenon of heroization to a purely political function of the city-state: ‘[In archaischer und klassischer Zeit] heroisierten die Griechen historische Personen… in Rollen, die eine politische Relevanz für die Gemeinschaft besaßen’ (37); ‘…Heroenkulte dienten dem individuellen Identifikationsgefühl einer Gemeinschaft und waren Ausdruck ihrer Solidarität’ (47). (D. Boehringer (n.15) is not to be confused with F. Bohringer (n.14)!) Kearns, E., The Heroes of Attica (London 1989) 5–6Google Scholar, differs from Boehringer in granting hero cult an intrinsically religious dimension, but also emphasizes the perspective of those who perform the hero cult, rather than that of those who are heroized: ‘The worship of former human beings can have two aspects: an essentially objective cultus in which they are approached like the gods, and a more subjective concentration on the fate of the dead, when the present state of the heroes is of interest as a possible reflexion of the worshipper's own future state… By and large, the hero was viewed objectively in the classical period… The important thing was the relation of the hero to the worshipper.’ Kearns's ‘objective’ viewpoint is shared by Burkert, W., Greek Religion (Cambridge, MA 1985) 190Google Scholar: ‘Ritual and belief are concerned almost exclusively with the death of others; one's own death remains in the dark.’

²⁶ Arias, P.E., Cinquanta anni di ricerche archeologiche sulla Calabria (1937–1987) (Rovito 1988) 121–30Google Scholar (= ‘Euthymos’, Siculorum Gymnasium 1.2 (1941) 77–85Google Scholar) and 197-210 (= ‘Euthymos di Locri’, ASNP 17.1 (1987) 1–8Google Scholar). Costabile (n. 11) 195-238.

²⁷ Cf. Arias (n.26) 200: ‘La storia [sc. Euthymos' fight with the Hero] non interessa il nostra discorso.’

²⁸ Visintin (n.16) 39.

²⁹ Visintin (n.16) 55, 68, 71, 75, 105.

³⁰ Visintin (n.16) 79-80, 131-3, 148-53 interprets the ‘marriage’ of the Temesan virgin to the Hero as a ‘marriage to Death’, that is, as human sacrifice rather than ritual defloration.

³¹ Sole reference: Visintin (n.16) 27 n.37.

³² Noticeably, the sources for the ritual conspicuously avoid words meaning ‘sacrifice’, as emphasized by Pòrtulas, J., Emerita 63.1 (1995) 168–9Google Scholar, and Cordiano, G., ‘La saga dell'eroe di Temesa’, QUCC 60 (1998) 177–83Google Scholar at 180, in their reviews of Visintin (n.16). This point was recognized by Visintin herself: (n.16) 53, 132, 143.

³³ Cf. Cordiano (n.32) 180-2.

³⁴ Call. frr.. 98-9 Pf; Strabo 6.1.5 255; Paus. 6.6.4-11; Ael. VH 8.18; Suda s.v. Εὔθυμος.

³⁵ Note the phraseology of Paus. 6.6 ‘the locals say (φασίν)’ (4); ‘I heard (ἤκουσα) the following’, ‘I heard (ἤκουσα) from a man who sailed for the purpose of trade’ (10); ‘the foregoing I heard about (ἤκουσα)’ (11). All these pertain to the stories either of Euthymos' divine birth or his death / disappearance. Does the use (twice) of ἤκουσα at 6.6.10 mean to suggest that the source for the legend of the combat with the Hero (6.6.7-10) was like these oral, or rather that unlike them it was written? For Pausanias’ process of gathering information and his concept of hearsay (ἀκοή), see P. Veyne, Did the Greeks Believe in their Myths? (Chicago 1988) 3, 76, 132-3 nn.13-14, 148 n.159. On his use of oral sources, see C. Habicht, Pausanias' Guide to Ancient Greece (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1998) 144-5. On Callimachus' possible use of oral sources, see P.M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford 1972) 2.1072 n.343. E. Rohde, Der griechische Roman (Berlin 1876) 99 with n.3, suggests Callimachus may have travelled the Greek world collecting local legends.

³⁶ Visintin (n.16) 17, 43 assumes that Pausanias is dependent on Callimachus. Pausanias' written sources included poets and local historians: Habicht (n.35) 142-3 (but note 96: ‘it is rare that [Pausanias' sources] can bc securely identified’). Callimachus for his part used local historians (e.g. Xenomedes of Ceos, fr. 75.54 Pf; Leandr(i)os of Miletus, frr. 88, 92.2 Pf; Agias and Derkylos, schol. Flor. 35-6 on fr. 7), and seems to have had a source for Locri Epizephyrii (cf. frr. 98-9, 84-5, 615, 635, 669 Pf.; Rhegion: fr. 618 Pf). Timaeus liked ‘marvels’ (cf. Polyb. 12.24.5), and was used by Callimachus: Fraser (n.35) 1.764-7 esp. 766 and 2.1072 n.353 (expressing doubt as to whether Callimachus was dependent on Timaeus for information about Euthymos). The story of the cicadas at the Halex was told by Timaeus (FGrHist 566 F43 = Antigon. Hist. mir. 1, Strabo 6.1.9 260; cf. Paus. 6.6.4). Pais (n.18) 50 and n.1 suggested that the legend was handled by ‘a poet of the school of Stesichorus or Xenocritus of Locri’; he is followed by Biraschi, A.M., ‘ΚΑΛΥΚΑ ΠΗΓΗ in Paus. VI 6,11? A proposito del dipinto di Temesa’, PP 51 (1996) 442–56, esp. 443-4Google Scholar.

³⁷ For the unburied companion, cf. Elpenor (Od. 11.51-83) and Palinurus (Virg. Aen. 6.337-83).

³⁸ This is the first point in Pausanias' narration where he is referred to as ἤρως; that is, once Delphi has sanctioned his cult.

³⁹ CPG 1.342 = Ael. VH 8.18; Strabo 6.1.5 255; Eustath. ad Od. 1.185.

⁴⁰ Where did Paus. see the painting? Mele (n.12) 866 and Müller (n.16) 825 assume Olympia.

⁴¹ Or ‘Lykas’ (see Gernet, L., ‘Dolon the wolf’, The Anthropology of Ancient Greece (Baltimore and London 1981) 138 n.81)Google Scholar; or ‘Kalyka’ (see Biraschi (n.36)).

⁴² For discussion, see Eitrem (n.19) 1003.33-7; Müller (n.16) 825; Mele (n.12) 863-7, 881-6; Visintin (n.16) 14-15, 59-73.

⁴³ Cf. Mele (n.12) 863-4.

⁴⁴ Comparably, the victim offered Lamia/Sybaris by the Delphians according to Nicander, Heteroeumena 4 = Antonin. Lib. 8.2, was ‘one boy from among the citizens’ (ἔνα κοῦρον πολιτῶν).

⁴⁵ Analogously, an attested iconography of the river Akragas was as a ‘boy in his prime’ (παιδὶ ώραίῳ): Ael. VH 2.11.

⁴⁶ Antonin. Lib. 8. Mele (n.12) 868-73.

⁴⁷ This does not imply that Pausanias himself believes what he reports. Cf. Veyne (n.35) 11, 95-102.

⁴⁸ Müller (n.16) 825: ‘Kopie eines älteren Gemäldes (wenn γραφῆς μίμημα ἀρχαίας nicht ein bloßes Stilurteil ist)’.

⁴⁹ See Costabile (n.11) 195-238, after Arias (n.26). See PLATE 1 = Arias (n.26) 122 fig. 1,204 fig. = Costabile (n.11) 199 fig. 321.

⁵⁰ One of the herms comes from the Locrian apoikia Medma: Costabile (n. 11) 231.

⁵¹ Costabile (n.11) 228. The letter-forms find parallels at Locri of 4th–3rd c. BC: Costabile (n.11) 207.

⁵² H.P. Isler, Acheloos (Bern 1970) 34 with 195 n.103, took the inscription to be Εὕθυμ[ος] (sc. ἀνέθηκε) or Εὑθύμ[ου] (sc. ἀνάθημα), i.e. a dedication to Acheloos by a Euthymos of the 4th c. BC, distinct from our Olympic victor. But the tauromorphic bull must be seen as the personification, in the form of a river deity, of the 5th-c. Olympic victor Euthymos. See Costabile (n.11) 209.

⁵³ [ί]ερή has been read on one of the herms, which would rule out a neuter plural (‘rites of Euthymos’). However, the Ionic form is surprising: confirmation of the reading would be welcome.

⁵⁴ Costabile (n.11) 208.

⁵⁵ The location of this sanctuary of Euthymos is open to doubt. Below (p. 40) it will be suggested that it may be identical with the sanctuary of the Hero in Temesa.

⁵⁶ On the iconography of river gods, cf. Ael. VH 2.33; C. Weiß, Griechische Fluβgottheiten in vorhellenistischer Zeit. Ikonographie und Bedeutung (Würzburg 1984); ead. ‘Fluvii’, LIMC 4.1 (1988) 139–48Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Ael. VH 8.18; cf. Paus. 6.6.10 (cited above). He was also a son of the river Kaikinos: Paus. 6.6.4.

⁵⁸ Costabile (n.11) 223, figs. 349-50.

⁵⁹ Costabile (n.11) 224-6, esp. 224. Compare a red-figure vase from Nola, showing Acheloos as a bearded horned man-faced bull with a louterion, in an unmistakably nuptial context: Costabile (n.11) fig. 352. For Acheloos and nymphs in Attica, see: H.P. Isler, ‘Acheloos’ LIMC 1.2 fig. 180; Costabile (n.11) 223, figs. 17, 351; von Prott, J. and Ziehen, L., Leges Graecorum sacrae e titulis collectae (Leipzig 1896-1906) 2.44Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Paus. 6.6.10.

⁶¹ Paus. 6.6.8; Str. 6.1.5 255; Ael. VH 8.18.

⁶² Torre, G.F. La, ‘II sacello tardi-arcaico di Campora S. Giovanni (CS): relazione preliminare’, in 35° Convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia – Taranto 1995 (Taranto 1996) 703–22Google Scholar, with the plan on p. 686; the same author in 36° Convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia – Taranto 1996 (Taranto 1997) 366–72Google Scholar, with Pl. IX. 1. I am grateful to Prof. Richard Buxton for pointing me to these references.

⁶³ Paus. 6.6.8; Dieg. Call. Aet. 4.8-12.

⁶⁴ Cf. Müller (n.16) 824 ‘ein Deflorationsrirus oder ein Relikt davon’; Cordiano (n.32) 180-1, 182.

⁶⁵ The manuscripts of Paus. 6.6.11 have βἤρα i.e. “Ηρα, which is defended by Maaß, Eitrem, Mele, Müller. Most editors of Paus. have instead followed Clavier in reading ήρῶιον: cf. Strabo 6.1.5 255, ‘near Temesa there is a hero shrine (ήρῶιον)’. For the role of Hera in initiatory ritual, cf. Calame, C., Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece. Their Morphology, Religious Role, and Social Functions (Lanham 1997) 113–23Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Alc. 130b. 17-20 V.; Theophrastus ap. Athen. 13.609e-610a. Bremmer, J., Greek Religion (Oxford 1994) 70Google Scholar; Calame (n.65) 122-3, 199, 262.

⁶⁷ Paus. 6.6.10: ‘the Hero sank into the sea and disappeared (ἀφανίζεται)’. Compare Euthymos: Ael. VH 8.18: ‘they say that the same Euthymos descended into the river Kaikinos and disappeared (ἀφανισθῆναι)’.

⁶⁸ The river Kalabros and the spring Lyka. ‘The youth Sybaris’ may also be a personification of the river Sybaris: note that in Nicander, Heteroeumena Book 4 (= Antonin. Lib. 8.7) ‘Sybaris’ (who is a daimon comparable to the Hero of Temesa) is identified by locals with a spring near Krisa: ‘from that rock [where Sybaris fell to her death] a spring appeared and the locals call it Sybaris’.

⁶⁹ La Torre (n.62, 1997) 368: ‘nelle immediate vicinanze della foce dell'Oliva’.

⁷⁰ Fontenrose (n.14) 81: ‘Euthymos, hērōs of Locri, complements Heros of Temesa and takes on identical traits. At some point the Temesians… identified their ancient hero-daimōn with Euthymos: he became the Heros of Temesa.’ Cf. Bohringer (n.14) 16.

⁷¹ Cf. Graf, F., ‘The Locrian maidens’, in Buxton, R.G.A. (ed.), Oxford Readings in Greek Religion (Oxford 2000) 250–70Google Scholar (= ‘Die lokrischen Mädchen’, Studi stori-co-religiosi 2 (1978) 61–79Google Scholar) at 264 and nn.85-6; MacLachlan, B., ‘Sacred prostitution and Aphrodite’, Studies in Religion 21 (1992) 145-62 at 146–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷² The term fails to distinguish between one-off sexual intercourse performed without degradation by free daughters of citizens as a religious act (n.b. Clearchus fr. 43 Wehrli: τῶν ἑταιρισμῷ τὰς ἑαυτῶν κόρας ἀφοσιούντων, ‘those communities who make their own daughters ritually pure by prostituting them’) and the servile condition of permanent temple prostitutes who were ‘sacred’ (ἱεραί ἱερόδουλοι) to the goddess.

⁷³ 1.199.1-5. Hdt. does not specify that the women are virgins ready for marriage. This is, however, stipulated by Justin for Cyprus, to which Hdt. compares the Babylonian practice. Cf. MacLachlan (n.71) 149. Cf. Lydia: Hdt. 1.93.

⁷⁴ On the Syrian Goddess 6. Cf. Seyrig, H., ‘Antiquités syriennes’, Syria 49 (1972) 97–125 at 99CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ‘un rite d'origine initiatique, que ces femmes accomplissaient au cours de la fête une fois dans leur vie’; Soyez, B., Byblos et la fête des Adonies (Leiden 1977) 40–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁵ Hdt. 1.199.5; Clearchus fr. 43 Wehrli; Justin 18.5.4; Lactantius, divin. instit. 1.17.10.

⁷⁶ Clearchus fr. 43 Wehrli. Cf. the controversial vow(s) of 478-476 BC and the 350s BC: Justin 21.3.2-8. See Graf (n.71) 263-4; MacLachlan (n.71) 161-2 esp. n.51; Cordiano (n.32) 181.

⁷⁷ Cf. Burkert, W., Homo Necans. The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1983) 63 n.20Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Lucian, On the Syrian Goddess 6. Hair offerings as ‘equivalent’ to religious prostitution: Frazer, J.G., Adonis Attis Osiris. Studies in the History of Oriental Religion (3rd edn, London 1927) 1.38Google Scholar; cf. Dowden, K., Death and the Maiden. Girls' Initiation Rites in Greek Mythology (London 1989) 3Google Scholar (on Paus. 1.43.4).

⁷⁹ Hair offerings to rivers: Il. 23.141-51; Paus. 1.37.3, 8.41.3, 8.20.3. Eitrem, S., Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Römer (Kristiania 1915) 364–7Google Scholar. Rivers as κουροτρόφοι: Hes. Th. 346-8; Aesch. Cho. 6. Dowden (n.78) 123; Weiß (n.56, 1988) 139-40.

⁸⁰ Ps.-Aeschin. Ep. 10. On the novelistic character of this epistle, cf. Stöcker, C., ‘Der 10. Aischines-Brief. Eine Kimon-Novelle’, Mnemosyne 33 (1980) 307–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Its novelistic character notwithstanding, it may draw on real practices: so Martin, V. and Budé, G. de, Aeschines (Paris 1952) 2.134–6Google Scholar ‘L'auteur parait bien au courant des choses d'Hion. II n'est pas douteux en effet que les rites qui sont à la base de l'épisode ne soient authentiques.’

⁸¹ Ps.-Aeschin. Ep. 10.2-3: ‘The day arrived on which most people try to bring about a marriage for those of their daughters whose age bids it be done; and so the women assembled. It is an established custom in the region of Troy for maidens who are to get married to go to the Skamandros, and after they have washed themselves in it to pronounce this saying as a ritual formula (τὸ ἔπος τοῦτο ὤσπερ ίερόν τι ὲπιλέγειν): “Take, Skamandros, my virginity”.’

⁸² Ps.-Aeschin. Ep. 10.8.

⁸³ Ps.-Aeschin. Ep. 10.4.

⁸⁴ Cf. Ale. 45 V. (Hebros, Thrace): ‘Hebrus, you flow, the most beautiful of rivers, past Aenus into the turbid sea, surging through the land of Thrace… and many maidens visit you (to bathe?) their (lovely) thighs with tender hands; they are enchanted (as they handle?) your marvellous water (θή[ιο]ν ὕδωρ) like unguent…’ (trans. Campbell). Alcm. 4A.14-17 Campbell (Loeb): ‘and when they [feminine] had prayed to the fair-flowing river that they achieve lovely wedlock and experience those things that are (dearest) to women and men and find a lawful marriage-bed’ (trans. Campbell). For a similar ritual occasion, cf. perhaps ‘Hdt.’ Vit. Hom. 3 p. 194 Allen = p. 4 Wilamowitz: ‘Kretheïs went out with the other women for a festival (πρὸς ἐορτήν τινα) to the river called Meles when she was already with child and gave birth to Homer… and she gave the child the name Mclesigenes, taking this appellation from the river’; cf. Arist. fr. 76 Rose.

⁸⁵ L.R. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States (Oxford 1909) 5.423: ‘The many early myths concerning heroines and princesses being made pregnant by river-gods suggests that the ritual [sc. girls' sacrifice of their virginity to river gods] was once prevalent in primitive Greece; for such myths could arise naturally from such a custom.’ Cf. O. Waser, ‘Flußgötter’, RE 6.2778.66-7: ‘Nicht selten sind F(lüsse) in Sagen erotischen Inhaltes verflochten.’ For such erotic tales, cf. Spercheios and Polydore (Il. 16.174-8); Enipeus and Tyro (Od. 11.235-57); Alpheios and Artemis (Telesilla 717 PMG, Paus. 6.22.9); Alpheios and Arethousa (Paus. 5.7.2-3); Selemnos and Argyra (Paus. 7.23.1); Acheloos and Deianeira (Soph. Trach. 617), etc.

⁸⁶ Thuc. 2.15.5: ‘it is still now the custom from ancient times (ἀπὸ τοῦ ἁρχαίου) to use the water [sc. from the Athenian spring Kallirrhoe / Enneakrounos] before marriage and for other rites’; Eur. Phoen. 347-8 with scholia; Eustath. ad Il. 23.141; Suda, Harpocr., Photius s.v. λουτροφὀρος καὶ λουτροφορεῖν; Pollux 3.43; Artemid. 2.38. Ginouves, R., Balaneutikè. Recherches sur le bain dans l'antiquité grecque (Paris 1962) 267-8, 421–2Google Scholar; Parker, R., ‘Theophoric names and the history of Greek religion’, in Hornblower, S. and Matthews, E. (eds), Greek Personal Names: Their Value as Evidence (PBA 105, Oxford 2000) 53–79 at 60 n.26Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ See Parker (n.86) 59-60; cf. Waser (n.85) 2778.615. Cf. ‘Hdt.’ Vit. Hom. 3: Homer was called Melesigenes (‘born of the river Meles’); he was also regarded as a ‘son of Meles’: ‘Alcaeus’, AP 7.5.3 ὁ Μέλητος. In myth: Eteokles/Eteoklos, a son of the river Kephisos: Paus. 9.34.9, cf. Hes. fr. 71 M-W; Phoroneus son of the river Inachos: Paus. 2.15.5; Andreus son of the river Peneios: Paus. 9.34.6.

⁸⁸ Preller, L. and Robert, C., Griechische Mythologie (4th edn, Berlin 1894-1926) 1.546–7 n.4Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ On the trauma and guilt of defloration, cf Burkert (n.77) 62-3.

⁹⁰ Od. 11.235-57, esp. 238-45.

⁹¹ Ps.-Aeschin. Ep. 10.4-6. The mythical parallel: the giant Pelor fell in love with Polydore and waited for her to bathe in the Spercheios; pretending to be the river Spercheios, he then had intercourse with her; the child of the union was Menesthios: schol. Il. 16.176b Erbse.

⁹² Dieg. 4.11-12.

⁹³ Cf. Frazer, J.G., Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship (London 1905) 179–81Google Scholar, esp. 179 ‘the deity who is … provided with a human bride is often a water-spirit’.

⁹⁴ Paus. 6.6.8.

⁹⁵ Cf. Graf (n.71) 261-2. That the Temesan maiden in the rite is of aristocratic origin was inferred by Mele (n.12) 874.

⁹⁶ Paus. 6.6.8; Strabo 6.1.5 255; Ael. VH 8.18.

⁹⁷ Il. 23.148. Paus. 8.24.12. Cf Farnell (n.85) 5.424 a.

⁹⁸ Strabo 6.1.5 255. In the Odyssey, Polites is only mentioned at 10.224-5 as ‘the dearest and most cherished of my [Odysseus'] companions’.

⁹⁹ Cephalion (1st half 2nd c. BC) FGrHist 93 F7 = Malalas, Chron. 6.20 pp. 164-5 Dindorf; Tzetzes on Lyc. Alex. 671; Serv. on Virg. Geo. 1.8; Ps.-Plut. On Rivers 22.1.

¹⁰⁰ Ps.-Plut. On Rivers (ed. G.N. Bernardakis, Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia 7 (Leipzig 1896) 282-328). Further examples: Akis (Ov. Met. 13.878-97); Marsyas (Ov. Met. 6.391-400, Paus. 10.30.9, Ps.-Plut. On Rivers 10.1); Adonis (Lucian, On the Syrian Goddess 8); Pelor and the Spercheios (schol. Il. 16.176a Erbse); Alpheios (Paus. 5.7.2); Selemnos (Paus. 7.23.2); Sangas (Hermog. FGrHist 795 F1). There are also several Roman examples: see L. Preller, Römische Mythologie (3rd edn, Berlin 1881-3) 1.95, 2.141-4. Compare the metamorphosis of persons into seas: Αἱγεύς ∼ Αἰγαῖος πόντος (Hygin. fab. 43.2, etc.); “Ελλη ∼ Έλλήσποντος (Hygin. fab. 3.2, etc.). See J. Toutain, ‘Le culte des fleuves, sa forme primitive et ses principaux rites chez les peuples de l'antiquité classique’, L'Ethnographie n.s. 13/14 (1926) 1-7; A. Hermann, ‘Ertrinken’, RAC 6 (1966) 370-409 at 396; Weiß (n.56, 1984) 68; P.M.C. Forbes Irving, Metamorphosis in Greek Myths (Oxford 1990) 299-307, esp. 302-5.

¹⁰¹ Larson, J., Greek Heroine Cults (Madison and London 1995)Google Scholar: ‘Sometimes the existence of nature spirits was rationalized, so that a spring or river nymph was later understood as a mortal who became a spring. These stories of transformation are analogous to heroization stories and use the same themes and motifs’ (19); ‘The concepts of heroization or deification and metamorphosis into a natural feature are indeed parallel’ (20).

¹⁰² Ps.-Plut. On Rivers 19.1.

¹⁰³ River metamorphosis could follow a death by stoning: compare Acis, Ov. Met. 13.879-97 (this lover of Galatea is crushed by the mountain-top which a jealous Polyphemus throws on him, but is metamorphosed into a river god).

¹⁰⁴ La Torre (n.62, 1997) 368.

¹⁰⁵ Visintin (n.16) 68, 71, 75 (the Hero is one of a group of ‘morti che ritornano’), 105.

¹⁰⁶ LSJ s.v.

¹⁰⁷ Visintin (n.16) 68, 71, 75, 105. Cf. Thanatos: Eur. Alc. 843-4; Eurynomos in Polygnotos' Nekyia: Paus. 10.28.7. Cf. Rohde, E., Psyche. The Cult of Souls and Belief in Immortality among the Greeks (London 1925) 250 n.25Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Clearchus (fr. 43a Wehrli) calls rites of defloration παλαιᾶς τινος ὕβρεως…ὑπόμνημα καὶ τιμωρία, ‘a reminder and atonement for some ancient offence’. See further Graf (n.71) 263 n.77; Calame (n.65) 94-5, 99, 101, 117, 121.

¹⁰⁹ For the wolf-skin and young people's rites, see Bremmer, J., ‘Romulus, Remus and the foundation of Rome’, in Bremmer, J. and Horsfall, N. (eds), Roman Myth and Mythography (London 1987) 25–48Google Scholar at 43 with n.73. Contrast Visintin (n. 16) 109-29.

¹¹⁰ For Odysseus in Italy, see Malkin, I., The Returns of Odysseus. Colonization and Ethnicity (Berkeley and London 1998) 178–209Google Scholar; Phillips, E.D., ‘Odysseus in Italy’, JHS 73 (1953) 53–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Odysseus founded a temple to Athena in Bruttium: Solinus 2.8.

¹¹¹ Soph. Trach. 9-17; cf. 507-25.

¹¹² Soph. Trach. 18-21.

¹¹³ Cf. Paus. 6.6.9: ‘the girl swore to marry him [Euthymos] if he saved her’.

¹¹⁴ Pind. Dith. 2 = fr. 249a Maehler. Cf. too Archil. 286-7 IEG.

¹¹⁵ Weiß (n.56, 1984) 68 and n.398; Costabile (n.11) 221-6; Isler (n.59) 1.1 nos 224-5; Bagnasco, M. Barra (ed.), Locri Epizefiri 3: Cultura materiale e vita quotidiana (Florence 1989) 134–7Google Scholar and Tav. xxviii.

¹¹⁶ Cf. Fontenrose, J., Python. A Study of Delphic Myth and its Origins (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1959)Google Scholar, passim; Visintin (n.16) 13.

¹¹⁷ Cf. West, M.L., The East Face of Helicon. West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry (Oxford 1997) 482–3Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Genesis 32.22-32. See Niditch, S., Ancient Israelite Religion (New York and Oxford 1997) 42–3Google Scholar; Westermann, C., Genesis 12-36. A Commentary, trans. Scullion, J.J.S.J., (London and Minneapolis 1985) 512–21Google Scholar. I am grateful to Dr Richard Rutherford for first alerting me to this parallel.

¹¹⁹ Suda s.v. Εὔθυμος: ‘he [Euthymos] overcame the daimon who came him at night (νύκτωρ)’. Diegesis to Call. Aet., 4.10-11: ‘at dawn’ (ἔωθε[ν]). Spirits depart at night: cf. Plaut. Amphitr. 532-3; Shakespeare, Hamlet I.i. 153-69. Cf. Thompson, S., Motif-Index of Folk-Literature (Indiana 1932-1926)Google Scholar 3.94 F420.3.4.2 (‘water-spirits must be in water before dawn’).

¹²⁰ Il. 21.211-382.

¹²¹ Cf. Visintin (n.16) 38 n.63.

¹²² The Neoplatonist Porphyry claimed to have expelled a spirit from a bathing-place: Eunapius, Lives of the Sophists 4.1.12: ‘[Porphyry] says also that he chased some supernatural being (δαιμόνιόν τινα φύσιν) from a bathing-place and expelled him; the locals called it Kausathas’. Cf. Thompson (n.119) 2.398 D2176.3.3.2: ‘saint purifies spring by driving out demon’, cf. 2.428-9 E278, E285: ghosts haunt a spring or well.

¹²³ Eur. Alc. 840-9, 1025-32. So Fontenrose (n.14) 81; Gernet (n.41) 132; Visintin (n.16) 105.

¹²⁴ Cf. U. Sinn (ed.), Sport in der Antike. Wettkampf, Spiel und Erziehung im Altertum (Würzburg 1996) 88-9.

¹²⁵ Diod. 12.9.6.

¹²⁶ Paus. 6.5.5. For lions in Macedonia in the historical period, cf. Hdt. 7.125; Arist. Hist. Anim. 579b5-8.

¹²⁷ Paus. 6.8.4.

¹²⁸ « Paus. 6.11.2.

¹²⁹ Esp. Pind. Nem. 1.60-72, Isth. 4.55-60, Ol. 3.36.

¹³⁰ This is a large theme, of which only a few examples can be given. Thus, Nikostratos, 4th c. BC (Diod. 16.44.3, Athen. 7.289b); Alexander, 4th c. BC (Arr. Anab. 4.10.7, 5.26.5, Plut. Sayings of Kings and Commanders: Alexander 27 = Mor. 181d; cf. coins: Price, M.J., The Coinage in the Name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arrhidaeus (Zurich and London 1991) 33Google Scholar); Sostratos/Agathion, 2nd c. AD (Lucian, Demon. 1; Philostr. Lives of the Sophists 552); Augustus, 1st c. BC-lst c. AD (Hor. Epist. 2.1.5-17, Virg. Aen. 6.791-807; cf. Cic. On the Nature of the Gods 2.62). Note especially the Cynics: Antisthenes, 5th—4th c. BC (Diog. Laert. 6.2); Diogenes, 4th c. BC (Diog. Laert. 6.71); Peregrinus, 2nd c. AD (Lucian, On the Death of Peregrinus 4-5, 21, 24, 29, 33). In general, Cic. On Duties 3.25. Of modern scholarship, the following can be mentioned: Guthrie, W.K.C., The Greeks and their Gods (London 1950) 239–41Google Scholar; Farnell, L.R., Greek Hero Cults and Ideas of Immortality (Oxford 1921) 154Google Scholar; Burkert (n.25) 211.

¹³¹ Graf, F., Nordionische Kulte. Religionsgeschichtliche und epigraphische Untersuchungen zu den Kulten von Chios, Erythrai, Klazomenai und Phokaia (Rome 1985) 130Google Scholar; Hughes, D.D., ‘Hero cult, heroic honors, heroic dead: some developments in the Hellenistic and Roman periods’, in Hägg, R. (ed.), Ancient Greek Hero Cult (Stockholm 1999) 167–75Google Scholar at 173. Cf. Peek, GV 768.10: ἴσος ἥρωσι, ‘equal to the heroes’; Theocr. 16.80 (of the living Hieron II): προτέροις ἵσος ἡρώεσσι, ‘equal to the fomier heroes’. The use of ἤρως; was in the 5th c. BC not confined solely to the heroes of the epic (pace Loraux, N., L'invention D'Athènes (2nd edn, Paris 1993) 63Google Scholar, and Parker, R.C.T., Athenian Religion. A History (Oxford 1996) 136–7Google Scholar with n.56). It could be used of heroized historical persons. Cf. Pind. Pyth. 5.95, fr. 133.5 Maehler; oracle (of 5th c. BC?) ap. Paus. 6.9.8; cf. Orphic gold leaf B 1.11 Zuntz: ‘with the other [n.b.] heroes’. The expression τῷ δεῖνι ώς ἤρωι θύειν and its variants, often applied to historical persons (e.g. Brasidas, Thuc. 5.11.1), is generally taken to mean ‘to sacrifice to somebody as if he were a hero’ – implying that he was not in fact one. There is, however, no good reason not to take it as ‘to sacrifice to somebody as a hero’ – implying that those who sacrificed, at least, regarded him as one.

¹³² Contrast Kearns (n.25) 6.

¹³³ Lysander was the first Greek to receive cult as a god in his lifetime on Samos in 404/3 BC, according to Duris, FGrHist 76 F71 (= Plut. Lys. 18.2-4), cf. F26. See Habicht, C., Gottmenschentum und griechische Städte (2nd edn, Munich 1970) 244–5, 271Google Scholar. See Davies, J.K., Democracy and Classical Greece (2nd edn, London 1993) 167–8Google Scholar for an assessment of the significance of Lysander's cult.

¹³⁴ A cult of Hagnon as a hero in his lifetime at Amphipolis in the period 437–422 BC is implied by Thuc. 5.11.1. See Malkin, I., Religion and Colonization in Ancient Greece (Leiden 1987) 230CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hornblower, S., A Commentary on Thucydides (Oxford 1996) 2.454–5Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ Note especially Dion in the mid 4th c. BC: Diod. 16.20.6. Cf. too Diod. 20.102.3; Demochares FGrHist 75 F1. In general, see Habicht (n.133) 203-4; E. Badian, ‘Alexander the Great between two thrones and heaven: variations on an old theme’, in A. Small (ed.), Subject and Ruler: The Cult of the Ruling Power in Classical Antiquity (JRA Suppl. 17, Ann Arbor 1996) 11-26 at 14-15; Hornblower (n. 134) 454. For ἤρως of living persons, cf Hughes (n. 131) 172 n.32.

¹³⁶ Paus. 6.6.9; cf. Suda s.v. Εὔθυμος: ἐνεσκευάσατο ώς πολεμήσων τῷ δαίμονι. For the translation ‘with his armour on’, cf. Jones, W.H.S., Pausanias. Description of Greece (Cambridge, MA and London 1933, Loeb) 3.41Google Scholar; Mele (n.12) 873; Costabile (n.11) 214-15.

¹³⁷ Thus Euthymos ‘got ready’, according to Levi, P., Pausanias. Guide to Greece (London 1971) 2.303Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ Ar. Acharn. 384, Frogs 523; Plat. Crit. 53d6-7.

¹³⁹ Visintin (n.16) 144, following Delcourt; the supposed justification for this is Eurybatos assuming the sacrificial garlands of Alkyoneus in Nicander's tale at Anton. Lib. 8.6.

¹⁴⁰ Ar. Frogs 522-3: οὔ τί που σπουδὴν ποεῖ, ∣ ὁτιή σε παίζων ‘Ηρακλέα 'νεσκεύασα; 'surely you're not making earnest of the fact that in jest I dressed you up as Herakles?’

¹⁴¹ In general on dressing up as a divinity, see W.R. Connor, ‘Tribes, festivals, and processions: civic ceremonial and political manipulation in Archaic Greece’, in Buxton (n.71) 56-75 (= JHS 107 (1987) 40–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar) at 64-5.

¹⁴² This is the approach of Visintin (n.16) 39, et alibi.

¹⁴³ Strabo 6.1.5 255: ‘when the Western Locrians captured the city (Λοκρῶν δὲ τῶν Έπιζεφυρίων ἑλόντων τὴν πόλιν)’. Contrast Pausanias' casual formulation: ‘(Euthymos) came to Temesa, and apparently at that time the custom was being performed for the daimon (ἀφίκετο γὰρ ἐς τὴν Τεμέσαν καί πως τηνικαῦτα τὸ ἔθος ἐποιεῖτο τῷ δαίμονι)’ (6.6.9). Temesa was under Locrian control by the middle of the 5th c. BC (formerly it was under Croton's influence), see Maddoli, G. (ed.), Temesa e il suo territorio. Atti del colloquio di Perugia e Trevi (Taranto 1982) 93–101Google Scholar (A. Stazio), 103-118 (N. Parise); cf. Dunbabin, T.J., The Western Greeks. The History of Sicily and South Italy from the Foundation of the Greek Colonies to 480 BC (Oxford 1948) 367Google Scholar. La Torre (n.62, 1997) 370 argues for an earlier date, 480-470 BC.

¹⁴⁴ Connor (n.141).

¹⁴⁵ Cf. Connor (n. 141) 64: ‘The populace joins in a shared drama, not foolishly, duped by some manipulator, but playfully, participating in a cultural pattern they all share’, cf. 67: ‘The citizens are not naive bumpkins… but participants in a theatricality whose rules and roles they understand and enjoy.’

¹⁴⁶ Hdt. 6.117.3. Cf. U. Kron, ‘Patriotic heroes’, in Hägg (n.131) 61-83 at 65 with n.12.

¹⁴⁷ Paus. 3.19.12, Conon FGrHist 26 F1.xviii.

¹⁴⁸ See, e.g., Hes. Th. 22-34; Pind. Pyth. 8.58-60; Hdt. 6.105.1. Divine and heroic epiphanies were common especially in war: see (apart from Epizelos and Leonymos) Hdt. 8.38-39.1; Plut. Thes. 35.5; Paus. 1.4.4, 1.32.5; Pritchett, W.K., The Greek State at War 3 (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London 1979) 11–46Google Scholar; Harrison, T., Divinity and History. The Religion of Herodotus (Oxford 2000) 82–92Google Scholar. In general, cf. Max. Tyr. 9.7.

¹⁴⁹ Fox, R. Lane, Pagans and Christians (London 1986) 118–19Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁰ Call. fr. 99 Pf. = Plin. Nat. 7.152.

¹⁵¹ Diegesis to Call. Aet. 4.12-13; Ael. VH 8.18; Strabo 6.1.5 255; cf. Paus. 6.6.10.

¹⁵² Costabile (n.11) 228.

¹⁵³ Pace Burkert (n.25) 207: ‘there are… heroes whose wrath is implacable and who wreak havoc until some way is found of getting rid of them. Such was the case in Temesa…’

¹⁵⁴ Hdt. 5.67.1-5.

¹⁵⁵ Thuc. 5.11.1.

¹⁵⁶ See above.

¹⁵⁷ Plut. Dem. 12.2 τὰ Διονύσια μετωνόμασαν Δημήτρια. But see Parker (n. 131) 259 n.13; Mikalson, J.D., Religion in Hellenistic Athens (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London 1998) 93Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁸ For heroized historical persons receiving cult in more than one location, see Pfister, F., Der Reliquienkult im Altertum (Giessen 1909-1912) 230–8Google Scholar. For views on the location of Euthymos' herôon, see Rohde (n. 107) 154 n.116; Costabile (n.11) 227-8.

¹⁵⁹ Contrast both Isler (n.59) 35, ‘[Euthymos ist] als Heros mit Acheloos verschmolzen’, and Weiß (n.56, 1984) 68, ‘Wenn… eine Verschmelzung zwischen Euthymos und einem Flußgott ausgedrückt werden sollte, dann sicher nicht mit Acheloos, sondern mit Kaikinos.’

¹⁶⁰ Bohringer (n.14) 16: ‘L'opposition est ici identification’.

¹⁶¹ Diagoras was allegedly fathered by Hermes (schol. Pind. Ol. 7 Inscr. a) and Theogenes by Herakles (Paus. 6.11.2). See Taeger, F., Charisma. Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Herrscherkultes (Stuttgart 1957) 84–5Google Scholar. Cf. Glaukos, Paus. 6.10.1. Of non-athlètes, cf. Demaratos and Astrabakos (Hdt. 6.69.1-3), Plato and Apollo (Diog. Laert. 3.2).

¹⁶² Ps.-Aeschin. Ep. 10.8.

¹⁶³ Il. 24.258-9; Arist. EN 1145a21-2.

¹⁶⁴ In the case of Astrabakos' siring of Demaratos (Hdt. 6.69.1-3) we are informed of the specific crisis in Demaratos’ life which led to the creation of the story.

¹⁶⁵ Astykles (not Kaikinos) is given as Euthymos' father in the epigram on the victor statue at Olympia. But the choice of patronymic here may say more about what was felt to be appropriate in an epigram at Olympia than about the date at which the Locrian tradition concerning Euthymos' divine birth arose.

¹⁶⁶ VH 8.18.

¹⁶⁷ Antinoos, favourite of the Emperor Hadrian, drowned in the Nile in AD 132 and was deified: Weiß (n.56, 1984) 132 and nn.857-60, 222 n.816. Of mythical persons, cf. L. Preller, Römische Mythologie (3rd edn, 1881-3) 1.95-7, 2.141-4; Weiß (n.56, 1984) 68 and n.399. Aeneas: Liv. 1.2.6, etc. Cf. Tiberinus: Liv. 1.3.8; Dion. Hal. Rom. Ant. 1.71. There are many examples in Ps.-Plut. On Rivers. See Hermann (n.100), esp. 392-6.

¹⁶⁸ Suet. Gramm. 28.2: (sc. C. Epidium Nucerinum) ferunt olim praecipitatum in fontem fluminis Sarni paulo post cum cornibus †aureis† (taureis Jahn, arietis Robinson) extitisse, ac statim non comparuisse in numeroque deorum habitum. See LIMC 3.1 (1986) 803 s.v. ‘Epidius’; Vacher, M.-C., Suétone. Grammairiens et rhéteurs (Paris 1993) 230–4Google Scholar, esp. 232-4; Pais (n.18) 49; Costabile (n.11) 211. The case of Epidius may actually have been modelled on that of Euthymos. For the possible influence of Greek historians of Magna Graecia on early Roman history, cf. Dunbabin (n. 143) 372.

¹⁶⁹ Arr. Anab. 7.27.3.

¹⁷⁰ Greg. Naz. Or. 5.14.

¹⁷¹ Hippobotos ap. Diog. Laert. 8.69.

¹⁷² A mythical example is Herakles (Diod. 4.38.5). Historical examples include Aristeas (Hdt. 4.14-15), Kleomedes (Paus. 6.9.7) and Hamilkar (Hdt. 7.166-7). See Lacroix, L., ‘Quelques exemples de disparitions miraculeuses dans les traditions de la Grèce ancienne’, Mélanges Pierre Lévêque (Paris 1988) 1.183–98Google Scholar at 189-90. Conversely the physical evidence of death could be used to refute a person's claim to superhuman status: the argument that ‘death refuted (him)’, ὁ θάνατος ἥλεγξε: Habicht (n.133) 198 n.34.

¹⁷³ Costabile (n.11) 211-12.

¹⁷⁴ Cf. Pfeiffer, R., Callimachus (Oxford 1949) 1.104Google Scholar: ‘Fort(asse) Call, huius miraculi [i.e. fr. 99] alio loco [sc. than in Aetia 4] mentionem fecit’; cf Visintin (n.16) 2930. Call. fr. 635 Pf. (of uncertain location and uncertain metre) may also have referred to Euthymos.

¹⁷⁵ Call. Aet. frr. 84-5 Pf. with Diegesis 1.37-2.8.

¹⁷⁶ So Mele (n.12) 858: ‘Ne deriva l'impressione fondata che Callimaco conservasse una tradizione sull'atleta, le sue geste sportive, lo scontro con l'eroe, la natura divina che gli era stata riconosciuta e il culto che gli era stato tributato.’ On the other hand, Visintin (n.16) 17 supposes ‘che l'episodio [sc. the Euthymos-aition] si concludesse… con le splendide nozze del coraggioso pugile con la fanciulla da lui liberata’.

¹⁷⁷ Fr. 99 Pf.

¹⁷⁸ On the location of the Kaikinos, see Paus. 6.6.4: ‘dividing the territory of Locri from that of Rhegion’; Ael. VH 8.18: ‘the river Kaikinos, which is situated at a distance from the city of the Locrians’ (πρὸ τῆς τῶν Λοκρῶν πόλεως: see Costabile (n.11) 218). Cf. Thuc. 3.103.3. See Oldfather, , ‘Kaikinos, 2’, RE 10 (1919) 1500–1Google Scholar; Nenci, G. and Vallet, G. (eds), Bibliografia topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia e nelle isole tirreniche (Pisa and Rome 1985) 4.238–43Google Scholar; Costabile, F. (ed.), Polis ed Olympeion a Locri Epizefiri (Catanazaro 1992) 166Google Scholar. For the respective positions of the rivers Halex and Kaikinos, see Costabile (n.11) 218 fig. 336 and (differently) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman Worlds (Princeton and Oxford 2000)Google Scholar map 46 5C. For its part, Temesa lay on a homonymous river: Steph. Byz. s.v. τάμασος, ‘Tamasos: it is both a city in Italy – Tamese [sic] - and a river.’

¹⁷⁹ For the political importance of the Kaikinos, see Thuc. 3.99, 3.103.3,3.115.5; FGrHist 577 F2.9. The legend of the cicadas relates to the Halex, not to the Kaikinos (despite Paus. 6.6.4): see Tim. FGrHist 566 F43. Rhegion apparently employed Herakles for mythpropaganda purposes in their territorial disputes with Locri. See Tim. FGrHist 566 F43 = Antigon. Hist. mir. 2: ‘and the following mythical episode too is recorded among the Rhegians, that Herakles bedded down in some part of the territory and, being bothered by the cicadas, prayed that they might lose their voice’. Α Ήρακλῆς 'Ρηγῖνος (‘Herakles of Rhegion’) is also attested in the Archaic period: Costabile (n.11) 217. In that case it may have been natural for Locri to use Euthymos, their own δεύτερος Ήρακλῆς, to counteract the Rhegian Herakles.

¹⁸⁰ The temple of Campora S. Giovanni seems to have been violently destroyed around 480-470 BC (La Torre (n.62, 1997) 368). If that temple is correctly identified as the sanctuary of the Hero, then its destruction may have marked Locri's loss of control over Temesa. On the other hand, La Torre (n.62, 1997) 370 relates the temple's destruction to the Locrian conquest of Temesa, when the Temesans were liberated from the supposedly unwelcome tribute to the Hero which had been enforced by the Achaian cities, Sybaris and Kroton.

¹⁸¹ Nilsson, M.P., Geschichte der griechischen Religion (3rd edn, Munich 1974) 2.138Google Scholar.

¹⁸² Compare Kleomedes, Theogenes and Euthykles: Fontenrose (n.14) passim.