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2 Including Pegu, Arakan, Patani, Aceh, Banten and Makassar.

3 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, vol. II, pp. 32–6.

4 Ibid., pp. 107–13.

5 Ibid., pp. 114–23.

6 Ibid., p. 132. Tony Day, however, suggests that ‘the evidence for strong continuities across and beyond the quasi divide of the fifteenth century, especially where kingship, kinship, and respect for spirits and ancestors at all levels of society are concerned, is overwhelming, even in studies which argue the case for “religious revolution”’. Refer to Day, Tony, ‘Ties that (un)bind: Families and states in Premodern Southeast Asia’, Journal of Asian Studies, 55: 2 (1996): 384–410CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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8 A term also employed by John Miksic of the National University of Singapore.

9 Mark Elvin, quoted in Glahn, Richard von, Fountain of fortune: Money and monetary policy in China 1000–1700 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), p. 48Google Scholar.

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13 But sometimes only 600–700 coins per string. Refer to ibid., p. 52.

14 Ibid., p. 49.

15 The ‘Nan-hai’ (南海) — A generic name for the maritime regions to the south of China and beyond.

16 Xu zi-zhi tong-jian chang-bian, juan 85.19b.

17 Von Glahn, Fountain of fortune, p. 54.

18 Ibid., pp. 53–4.

19 Keith, D.H., ‘A fourteenth century shipwreck at Sinan-gun (Korea)’, Archaeology, 33, 2 (1980)Google Scholar.

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21 A seminal work on the Song trading systems is that by Shiba Yoshinobu, partially translated by Elvin, Mark, Commerce and Society in Sung China (University of Michigan Press, 1969)Google Scholar.

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23 The successive maritime trade port offices were established in the following order: Guang-zhou 廣州 (971 CE); Hang-zhou 杭州 (989); Ding-hai 定海 (992); Quan-zhou 泉州 (1087); Ban-qiao 板橋 (1088); and Hua-ting (Shang-hai) 華亭 (1113). After the Song were pushed south of the Yangtze, a further two offices were established: Wen-zhou 溫州 (1131) and Jiang-yin 江陰 (1146). The majority of these offices were engaged with trade to and from Southeast Asian ports.

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25 Ibid., pp. 68–70. See also, Hugh Clark, ‘The politics of trade and the establishment of the Quanzhou trade superintendency’, pp. 387–90.

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27 Ibid., 24. References to these missions can be seen in Song hui-yao ji-gao, juan 44.2b.

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48 Ibid., pp. 53–4.

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51 Ibid., p. 10.

52 Ibid., p. 11.

53 Each dan was equivalent to approximately 133 pounds.

54 Sumio, Fukami, ‘The long 13^th century of Tambralinga: From Javaka to Siam’, in The Memoirs of the research department of the Toyo Bunko, 62 (2004): 55–6Google Scholar.

55 The pagoda at Nagapattinam, according to the Dao-yi zhi-lue, bore an inscription in Chinese reading: ‘Completed in the eighth month of the third year of the Xian-chun reign’ (咸淳三年八月，, 畢工), corresponding to Aug./Sept. 1267, and suggesting quite some settlement of Chinese in that port city in the second half of the thirteenth century. Refer to Fukami, ‘The long 13^th century of Tambralinga’, p. 56.

56 Refer to James Chin Kong, ‘Merchants and other sojourners’, p. 17.

57 Ibid., pp. 17–19.

58 Ibid., p. 17.

59 Wink, André, Al-Hind: The making of the Indo-Islamic world, three vols. (Leiden, Brill, 1991–2004), vol. I, p. 65Google Scholar; and vol. II, p. 1.

60 Ibid., vol. I, pp. 72–86.

61 For further details, refer to Denys Lombard, Le carrefour Javanais: Essai d'histoire globale (Paris: EHSS), vol. II, p. 28. For an English version of the tale, refer to the translation by Quennell, Peter, The book of the marvels of India (London: Routledge and Sons, 1928), pp. 92–7Google Scholar. Buzurg's, work is also available in English in, The wonders of India, ed. Freeman-Grenville, G.S.P. and Capt Buzurg ibn Shahriyar of Ramhormuz (London: East-West Publications, 1981)Google Scholar.

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68 Referring to Islamic peoples of central Asia and China.

69 Hirth also cites from the Tu-shu ji-cheng (juan 1380), a 14^th-century reference to a temple at the port of Lian-tang on Hai-nan, where the deity was know as Bo-zhu (舶主), or ‘Lord of the Ships’, where pork was forbidden and where everyone referred to the temple as the fan-shen-miao (蕃神廟), or ‘temple of the foreign deity’. Refer to Kuwabara, Pu Shou-keng, II, p. 21.

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71 See, for example, Subbarayalu, Y., ‘The Tamil merchant-guild inscription at Barus: A rediscovery’, in Histoire de Barus, Sumatra: Le site de Lobu Tua, I – Études et Documents, ed. Guillot, Claude (Paris: Cahier d'Archipel 30, 1998), pp. 25–33Google Scholar. The inscription is dated to the equivalent of 1088 CE. A useful overview of the inscriptions can be found in Christie, Jan Wisseman, ‘The medieval Tamil-language inscriptions in Southeast Asia and China’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 29, 2 (1998): 239–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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78 Schottenhammer, Angela, ‘The maritime trade of Quanzhou (Zaitun) from the ninth through the thirteenth century’, in Archaeology of seafaring: The Indian Ocean in the ancient period, ed. Ray, Himanshu Prabha (Delhi: Pragati Publications, 1999), pp. 271–90Google Scholar.

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80 Gibb, H.A.R., The travels of Ibn Battuta A.D. 1325–1354 (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1994). Refer to vol. IV, p. 817Google Scholar: ‘This city [Kawlam/Quilon] is the nearest of the Mulaibār towns to China and it is to it that most of the merchants [from China] come.’

81 Gungwu, Wang, ‘The Nanhai trade: A study of the early history of Chinese trade in the South China Sea’, JMBRAS, 31, 2 (1958)Google Scholar.

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84 Wolters, Early Indonesian commerce, p. 250.

85 Wink, Al-Hind, vol. I, pp. 309–11.

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87 Sen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade, p. 156.

88 Sastri, The Cōlas, pp. 460–80.

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93 Sen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade, p. 158.

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95 Sen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade, pp. 156–8. See also, Wink, Al-Hind, vol. I, p. 323–7.

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99 For which, see the various contributions in In search of Chinese ceramic sherds in south India and Sri Lanka, ed. Noboru Karashima (Tokyo: Taisho University Press, 2004).

100 For details of Chinese texts on southern India during the Yuan, see Ptak, Roderich, ‘Yuan and early Ming notices on the Kayal area in south India’, Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, 80 (1993): 137–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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103 Michael Flecker, one of the excavators, suggests that ‘Its location in Indonesian waters, and its cargo of Chinese ceramics, provide compelling archaeological evidence for direct trade between the Western Indian Ocean and China in the first millennium.’ Refer to http://maritime-explorations.com/belitung.htm (last accessed on 6 Jan. 2009).

104 For which see Manguin, Pierre-Yves, ‘Trading ships of the South China Sea: Shipbuilding techniques and their role in the development of Asian trade networks’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 36 (1993), pp. 253–80Google Scholar.

105 Located some 40 nautical miles off the coast of Sumatra, nearly half-way between Bangka and Jakarta. It was excavated in 1997.

106 The key study of this wreck and its cargo is Michael Flecker's book based on his doctoral dissertation, conducted under the supervision of John Miksic: Flecker, Michael, The archaeological excavation of the 10th century Intan shipwreck (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2002)Google Scholar. See also, http://maritime-explorations.com/intan.htm (last accessed on 6 Jan. 2009).

107 The only study of this wreck: Ridho, Abu and McKinnon, E. Edwards, The Pulau Buaya wreck: Finds from the Song period (Jakarta: The Ceramics Society of Indonesia, 1998)Google Scholar.

108 A number of studies of this wreck are collected in The Java Sea wreck archaeological report, ed. William Mathers and Michael Flecker (Annapolis: Pacific Sea Resources, 1997).

109 Refer to http://maritime-explorations.com/java%20sea.htm (last accessed on 6 Jan. 2009).

110 See, for example, Shiro, Momoki, ‘Đại Việt and the South China Sea trade from the 10^th to the 15^th century’, Crossroads, 12, 1 (1998): 1–34Google Scholar; Tana, Li, ‘A view from the sea: Perspectives on the northern and central Vietnamese coasts’, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 37, 1 (2006): 83–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Whitmore, John K., ‘The rise of the coast: Trade, state and culture in early Dại Việt’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 37, 1 (2006): 103–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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114 Li Tana, ‘A view from the sea’, p. 92.

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116 Whitmore, ‘The rise of the coast’, p. 109.

117 Li Tana, ‘A view from the sea’, p. 96.

118 Whitmore, ‘The rise of the coast’, p. 116.

119 Ibid., p. 118.

120 Usually equated with Srivijaya.

121 ‘Ma-yi’ (麻逸) is one of various ways of representing a polity name, often rendered as Mait. There seems to be agreement that it lay in the modern Philippines Islands. Some suggest that it was the precursor of Maynila/Manila, while others aver that it represented Mindoro.

122 See Geoff Wade, Champa in the Song hui-yao: A draft translation, Asia Research Institute Online Working Papers, No. 53, Dec. 2005, http://www.ari.nus.edu.sg/docs/wps/wps05_053.pdf (last accessed on 6 Jan. 2009).

123 Whitmore, ‘The rise of the coast’, p. 110.

124 Ptak, Roderich, ‘China and the trade in cloves, circa 960–1435’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 113 (1993): 1–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See chart on p. 7.

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126 Refer to Song Hui-yao, ‘Fan yi’ section, book 199, vol. VIII, p. 7846.

127 Wang Yu-cheng (王禹偁), Xiao-chu-ji (小畜集), juan 14 as quoted in Da-ke, Liao, Fu-jian hai-wai jiao-tong-shi (Fu-jian ren-min chu-ban-she, 2002), p. 91Google Scholar.

128 Unidentified, but as it shares the name of the northernmost region of Champa as described by the Song Hui-yao ji-gao, probably a local aromatic.

129 Quite likely Middle Eastern forged steel, famous for Persian swords and known later as ‘Damascus steel’. The ‘beacon’ name is presumably a reference to the powerful fire used for forging.

130 Hall, Kenneth and Whitmore, John K., ‘Southeast Asian trade and the isthmian struggle, 1000–1200 A.D.’, in Hall, Kenneth R. and Whitmore, John K., Explorations in Southeast Asian history: The origins of Southeast Asian statecraft (Ann Arbor: Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1976). Refer to p. 307Google Scholar.

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134 Groslier, Bernard P., ‘Introduction to the ceramic wares of Angkor’, in Khmer ceramics 9^th–14^th century, ed. Stock, Diana (Singapore: Southeast Asian Ceramics Society, 1981), p. 15Google Scholar.

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137 Ibid., p. 94.

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140 Hall and Whitmore, ‘Southeast Asian trade and the isthmian struggle’, pp. 306–7.

141 Ibid., p. 312.

142 Cūlavamsa 76: 10–75. Cūlavamsa, being the more recent part of the Mahāvamsa, trans. Wilhelm Geiger (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1996).

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147 The first reference to Xian (暹) in Chinese sources appears to be that contained in juan 418 of the Song shi (History of the Song Dynasty), where in the biography of the Song loyalist Chen Yi-zhong (陳宜中), it is noted: ‘In the 19th year of the Zhi-yuan reign (1282/83), the Great Army [i.e. the Mongol forces] attacked Champa, and [Chen] Yi-zhong fled to Xian. He subsequently died in Xian.’

148 Tatsuro, Yamamoto, ‘Thailand as it is referred to in the Da-de Nan-hai zhi at the beginning of the fourteenth century’, Journal of East-West Maritime Relations, 1 (1989): 51Google Scholar.

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153 Christie, Javanese markets, p. 352.

154 Ibid., pp. 352, 373–4.

155 Ibid., p. 354.

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157 Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, p. 78.

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160 Jan Wisseman Christie, ‘Patterns of trade in western Indonesia: Ninth through thirteenth centuries A.D.’ (Ph.D thesis, University of London, May 1982), p. 146. See also Wicks, Robert S., ‘Monetary developments in Java between the ninth and sixteenth centuries: A numismatic perspective’, in Indonesia, 42 (Oct. 1986): 44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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162 Jan Christie notes that while the masa unit was noted in inscriptions from the 9^th to 11^th centuries, the kupang begins to appear only in the 11^th or 12^th centuries. See also, Wicks, ‘Monetary developments in Java between the ninth and sixteenth centuries’, pp. 45–6. The term kupang has come down to us in the modern era, with people in Penang, Malaysia, for example, still using the term for a 10-cent coin.

163 Wicks, ‘Monetary developments in Java’, pp. 50–1.

164 Christie, ‘Asian sea trade between the tenth and thirteenth centuries’, p. 230.

165 Heng, Export commodity and regional currency, p. 186.

166 Refer to Jones, Antoinette M. Barrett, Early tenth century Java from the inscriptions (Dordrecht: Foris Publications, 1984), p. 25Google Scholar. Barrett Jones specifies these inscriptions as being those from Kuti, Kaladi and Palĕbuhan.

167 Ibid., pp. 186–7.

168 Sarkar, Himanshu Bhusan, Corpus of the inscriptions of Java (Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1971). Refer to vol. II, pp. 216–17Google Scholar.

169 Ibid., vol. I, p. 86. See also Lombard, Denys, Le carrefour Javanais: Essai d'histoire globale (Paris: EHSS, 1990), vol. II, p. 22Google Scholar.

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171 Christie, ‘Asian sea trade between the tenth and thirteenth centuries’, p. 245. See also, Sarkar, ‘South India in Old Javanese and Sanskrit inscriptions’, p. 200.

172 Christie, ‘Asian sea trade between the tenth and thirteenth centuries and its impact on the states of Java and Bali’, pp. 247–8.

173 Sarkar, ‘South India in Old Javanese and Sanskrit inscriptions’, p. 201.

174 Christie, Javanese markets, p. 362.

175 For which, see Guan, Kwa Chong, ‘From Temasik to Singapore: Locating a global City-State in the cycles of Melaka straits history’, in Early Singapore 1300–1819; Evidence in maps, text and artefacts, ed. Miksic, John N. and Gek, Cheryl-Ann Low Mei (Singapore: Singapore History Museum, 2004), pp. 124–46Google Scholar.

176 Sumio Fukami argues that the Chinese term San-fo-qi, often rendered as Srivijaya, was actually a generic name for polities or tributaries in the Melaka Straits, and is equivalent with the Zabaj of the Arabs. He offers evidence with names in the Chinese texts including San-fo-qi Zhan-bei (Jambi) and San-fo-qi Zhu-nian (Cōla). Refer to Fukami, Sumio, ‘San-fo-qi, Srivijaya, and the historiography of insular Southeast Asia’, in Commerce et navigation en Asie du Sud-Est, XIVe-XIXe siècle, ed. Anh, Nguyen The and Ishizawa, Yoshiaki (Paris & Montréal (Québec): l'Harmattan, 1998), pp. 31–46Google Scholar. See also, Laffan, Finding Java.

177 Wolters, Oliver, Early Indonesian commerce: A study of the origins of Śrīvijaya (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967)Google Scholar.

178 For a detailed bibliography of works relating to Srivijaya, refer to Manguin, Pierre-Yves, A bibliography for Sriwijayan studies (EFEO: Jakarta, 1989)Google Scholar. Key early articles on the inscriptions of Srivijaya are presented in Coedès, George and Damais, Louis-Charles, Sriwijaya: History, religion and language of an early Malay polity, ed. Manguin, Pierre-Yves and Sheppard, Mubin, JMBRAS (1992)Google Scholar.

179 Manguin, Pierre-Yves, ‘Sriwijaya and the early trade in Chinese ceramics, observations on recent finds from Palembang (Sumatra)’, in Report, UNESCO Maritime Route of Silk Roads, Nara Symposium ‘91 (Nara: The Nara International Foundation, 1993), pp. 122–33Google Scholar.

180 Wink, Al-Hind, vol. I, p. 354.

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185 Extracted from Ping-zhou ke-tan. Refer to So Kee-long, ‘Dissolving hegemony or changing trade pattern?’, p. 299.

186 Heng, Export commodity and regional currency, p. 181.

187 Ibid., pp. 181–4.

188 Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, p. 60.

189 Salmon, Claudine, ‘Srivijaya, la Chine et les marchands chinois (Xe-XIIe s.) – Quelques réflexions sur la société de l'empire sumatranais’, Archipel, 63 (2002): 57–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

190 Coedès, The Indianized states of Southeast Asia, p. 132.

191 Coedès, , ‘Some problems in the ancient history of the Hinduized states of South-East Asia’, Journal of Southeast Asian History, 5, 2 (1964): 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

192 Wolters, Early Indonesian commerce, p. 251.

193 Ibid., pp. 250–3.

194 Ibid., p. 252. So Kee-lung also considers that Srivijaya declined in the 13^th century, but suggests that this resulted from ‘a shift from a transhipment orientation to an export orientation rather than the mass arrival of Chinese merchants’. See So Kee-long, ‘Dissolving hegemony or changing trade pattern?’, p. 307.

195 Bonatz, Dominik, Neidel, J.D. and Tjoa-Bonatz, M.L., ‘The megalithic complex of highland Jambi: An archaeological perspective’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 162, 4 (2006): 490–522CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

196 Described in E. Edwards McKinnon, ‘Kota Cina: Its context and meaning in the trade of Southeast Asia in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries’ (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1984).

197 Miksic places Kota Cina in a regional context in Miksic, ‘The classical cultures of Indonesia’, pp. 248–9.

198 Heng, Export commodity and regional currency, p. 194.

199 Ibid., pp. 194–5.

200 See Milner, A.C., McKinnon, E. Edwards and Sinar, Tengku Luckman, ‘A note on Aru and Kota Cina’, Indonesia, 26 (1978): 1–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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202 Miksic, John, ‘The classical cultures of Indonesia’, in Glover, Ian and Bellwood, Peter, Southeast Asia: From prehistory to history (Oxford: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), pp. 234–56Google Scholar.

203 Ibid., p. 248.

204 Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, p. 114.

205 Under the early name Po-lu-shi and Po-luo-suo (sometimes confused in Chinese texts with Bo-si or Persia) and later under the names Bin-su, Bian-shu and Bin-cuo for Pansur/Pancur. Refer to Ptak, Roderich, ‘Possible Chinese references to the Barus area (Tang to Ming)’, in Histoire de Barus, Sumatra: Le site de Lobu Tua, I – Études et Documents, ed. Guillot, Claude (Paris : Cahier d'Archipel 30, 1998), pp. 119–38Google Scholar.

206 See G.R. Tibbetts, A study of the Arabic texts containing material on South-East Asia, pp. 92–3, 95–6, 114–15 and 140–3. Drakard, Jane has also studied these sources in her article, ‘An Indian Ocean port: Sources for the earlier history of Barus’, Archipel, 37 (1989): 53–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

207 The links between Barus and the various ports of the Middle East are discussed in Histoire de Barus, II – Étude archéologique et Documents, ‘Chapter II – Conclusions historiques’, pp. 45–6 and 60–2.

208 Guillot, Claude and Wibisono, Sonny Ch., ‘Le verre à Lobu Tua: Étude préliminaire’, in Histoire de Barus, I, ed. Guillot, , pp. 189–206Google Scholar; and Histoire de Barus, II, ch. V – Céramique du Proche-Orient’, pp. 171–96.

209 Marie-France Dupoizat, ch. IV ‘Céramique chinoise’, in Histoire de Barus, II, pp. 103–69.

210 Histoire de Barus, II. See ‘Chapter VII –Verre’, p. 268, plate 58. See also Kalus, Ludvik, ‘Le plus ancienne inscription islamique du monde malais?’, Archipel, 59 (2000): 23–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

211 Michel Jacq-Hergoualc'h devotes two chapter of his major study of the peninsula to the rise of Tambralinga and its regional context in the 10^th and 11^th centuries and the commercial boom it enjoyed in the 12^th and 13^th centuries. See Jacq-Hergoualc'h, Michel, The Malay peninsula: Crossroads of the maritime Silk Road (Leiden: Brill, 2002), ch. 12 and 13Google Scholar.

212 Hall and Whitmore, ‘Southeast Asian trade and the isthmian struggle, 1000–1200 A.D.’, pp. 306–7.

213 Sumio, Fukami, ‘The long 13^th century of Tambralinga: From Javaka to Siam’, The Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 62 (2004): 45–79Google Scholar.

214 In fact, despatching a diplomatic mission to China in 1196.

215 Fukami, ‘The long 13^th century of Tambralinga’, p. 51.

216 Which accords closely with a Thai-language text on Nakhon Si Thammarat. See Wyatt, David K., The Crystal Sands: The chronicles of Nagara Sri Dharrmaraja (Ithaca: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 1975), pp. 84–5Google Scholar. This lists the dependencies of Nakhon Si Thammarat as Chumphon, Phattalung, Pattani, Saya, Kelantan and Pahang on the east coast of the peninsula, as well as Kraburi, Takuapa, Trang and Kedah on the west coast.

217 Including Chaiya, Phattalung, Kelantan, Terengganu and Pahang. See Fukami, ‘The long 13^th century of Tambralinga’, p. 52.

218 Ibid., pp. 57–9.

219 Michel Jacq-Hergoualc'h, The Malay peninsula: Crossroads of the maritime Silk Road. Refer to ch. 13: ‘The commercial boom in the Malay peninsula in the 12^th and 13^th centuries’, pp. 391–441.

220 Ibid., pp. 443–88.

221 Ibid., p. 491.

222 Wicks, ‘Monetary developments in Java between the ninth and sixteenth centuries’, p. 55.

223 Scott, William Henry, Filipinos in China before 1500 (Manila: China Studies program, De La Salle University, 1989), pp. 3–4, 27–8Google Scholar.

224 Ptak, Roderich, ‘China and the trade in cloves, circa 960–1435’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 113 (1993): 1–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See chart on p. 7.

225 Francisco, Juan R., ‘Sanskrit in Philippine languages: Reflections on pre-colonial trade and traffic’, in Mariners, merchants and oceans: Studies in maritime history, ed. Mathew, K.S. (Delhi: Manohar, 1995), pp. 43–56Google Scholar.

226 Christie, ‘Javanese markets’, pp. 344–81.

227 Lieberman, Strange parallels, p. 2.

228 Ibid., pp. 92–4.

229 Ibid., p. 223. See ‘there is no indication that maritime commerce was central to patronage structures of the general economy, certainly not in the critical period 950-1150 … . Claude Jacques concludes succinctly, “Everybody agrees that the Angkorean economy was based only upon agriculture”. Given that Angkor – like Pagan – arose not at the coast, but in an interior rice zone, and that after Angkor fell Cambodia's commercially-oriented rulers turned toward the coast, can anyone be surprised by this scholarly consensus?’ And yet, the luxury exotica exported and the ceramics imported do suggest that maritime commerce was a not inconsiderable aspect of the economy.

230 Ibid., p. 365.

231 Abu-Lughod, Janet L., Before European hegemony: The world system A.D. 1250–1350 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

232 Ibid., pp. 251–3.

233 Coedès, , ‘Some problems in the ancient history of the Hinduized states of South-East Asia’, Journal of Southeast Asian History, 5, 2 (1964): 14CrossRefGoogle Scholar. My thanks to Kwa Chong Guan for providing this and other references.

234 Tansen Sen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade, pp. 213–14.