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Security and sovereignty in the north Atlantic. Lassi Heininen (editor). 2014. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. xv + 126 p, hardcover, illustrated. ISBN 978-1-137-47071-3. £45.00.

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Security and sovereignty in the north Atlantic. Lassi Heininen (editor). 2014. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. xv + 126 p, hardcover, illustrated. ISBN 978-1-137-47071-3. £45.00.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 December 2015

Nikolas Sellheim*
Affiliation:
Faculty of Law, University of Lapland, PO Box 122, 96101 Rovaniemi, Finland (nikolas.sellheim@ulapland.fi)
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Abstract

Type
Book Review
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

The present volume is a collection of papers presented at the first Arctic Circle conference in October 2013 in Reykjavík. Under the framework of the ‘Security in the Arctic’ panel and its session on ‘Historical, current and future north Atlantic security (micro-states, small states, middle powers and super powers)’ seven papers deal with the north Atlantic and the role of Greenland, Denmark, the US, Russia and others therein.

Security and sovereignty in the north Atlantic thus consists of seven chapters each of which deals with one of the states and powers in question. The outcome is a short, but concise compilation of different actors in the region. While not in the Arctic as such, the overall state-centred security question in the north Atlantic has direct repercussions on the structure and future of Arctic governance while, of course, large parts of the north Atlantic indeed are located in the Arctic region.

After a brief introductory chapter by Lassi Heininen and Rasmus Gjedssø Bertelsen, which outlines the scope of the book and contextualises the papers in the overall thematic framework, Bertelsen opens up the discussion on the security question in the north Atlantic with the role of Denmark in devolution and withdrawal: Denmark and the north Atlantic, 1800–2100. In a comparatively compressed swing Bertelsen depicts the history and discusses the prospects of devolution of Danish power in the region in question. He locates the independence movements and aspirations in Iceland, Greenland and the Faroe Islands in it and by taking Icelandic independence in 1944 as the benchmark for Greenlandic and Faroese independence. He concludes that it is ‘foremost the domestic importance of human capital and secondly of fiscal independence’ (page 23) which are crucial in going beyond self-rule. Albeit short, this chapter serves as a valuable introduction to Danish sovereignty issues in the north Atlantic which invites for further reading on the matter (for example Körber and Volquardsen Reference Körber and Volquardsen2014).

Gustaf Pétursson's contribution tackles the interesting interplay between military and human security. By focusing on Icelandic security in a changing regional and geopolitical landscape: limited capabilities and growing responsibilities he shows how Iceland's limited capabilities to respond to human security concerns, exemplified by search and rescue needs, translates into closer reliance on NATO. Here, he argues, military infrastructure under the auspices of NATO is essential in providing human security services, for example through coast guard duties. While this may be the case, Pétursson however also points to the fact that in light of the Ukraine crisis Russia might interpret this as a (re-)militarisation of the region (page 39).

Greenlandic paradiplomatic relations are studied by Maria Ackrén. Readers unfamiliar with the concept of ‘paradiplomacy’ are quickly enlightened by the author as she frames the concept as ‘actions of regional governments or sub-national jurisdictions taken on international relations where they develop their own international agenda’ (page 44). With regard to Greenland, this occurs on several levels, for example through bilateral agreements with the EU, cultural or environmental cooperation or in the international indigenous movement. Ackrén nicely outlines the Greenlandic strains of paradiplomacy, resulting in a brief discussion on an own Greenlandic Arctic Strategy.

A steeper geopolitical angle is chosen by Michael T. Corgan who discusses The USA in the Arctic: superpower or spectator. Corgan convincingly shows how in light of the recent Arctic policy adopted under the Obama administration in 2013 the Arctic has never been at the forefront of US foreign policy. In fact, political recognition on a federal level is of rather recent origin and was first more clearly framed under Clinton. Corgan further compares the priorities in the US policies towards the Arctic and therefore updates and confirms already existing literature on the issue (see for example Steinberg Reference Steinberg, Powell and Dodds2014 on Bush's Arctic policy)

The chapter Russian military strategies in the high north by Valery Konyshev and Alexander Sergunin excels great timeliness. The authors argue that increasing military presence is not necessarily a new development but part of the overall modernisation of the Russian military especially in light of the opening of the northern sea route. While not as such new information (see for example Foxall Reference Foxall, Powell and Dodds2014), the authors have included some element of threat perception in the Russian Federation. They point to the fact that even in spite of the increasingly civil utilisation of military capabilities, USA/NATO activities in the Arctic are still perceived as a threat to Russian security (page 81–85). In how far Putin's recent announcement of adding 40 intercontinental ballistic missiles to Russia's nuclear arsenal (Withnall Reference Withnall2015) are part of the process of military modernisation can only be speculated upon. However, Konyshev and Sergunin do indeed refer to plans like these in their paper (page 92). Consequently, political rhetoric amidst the tensions between ‘the West’ and Russia rather than the missile addition being a response to perceived NATO aggression may play a role in this announcement.

In the last chapter of the present volume Sandra Balão traces the EU's involvement in the Arctic and screens The European Union's Arctic strategy(ies): the good and/or the evil? In essence the paper aims to assess the ways in which policies towards the Arctic in the European Union could be designed. It appears, however, that Balão approaches the issue relatively uncritically. Only marginally she touches upon the controversies surrounding the EU as an observer to the Arctic Council, which, at the time of writing, is on an ad hoc basis. Instead, she primarily summarises existing policy documents in the EU and fleshes out their main characteristics that could feed into a coherent Arctic strategy for the EU. Contrary to what the title of the paper implies, unfortunately an analysis of pros and cons of the EU as an active Arctic actor with a strategic Arctic policy cannot be found.

With Balão's paper the book ends. Unfortunately no concluding chapter can be found which would bring the findings of the chapters into a coherent whole. While the introductory chapter attempts this, a concluding chapter as a discussion on the presented information would have been beneficial. As such, the book is after all a loose compilation of papers dealing with a rough scheme: security in the north Atlantic and in the Arctic. ‘Security’ here clearly is centred around military security and other securities, such as human, environmental or cultural, are merely marginally touched upon. Of course, a short volume such as the present cannot cover the complex array of different understandings of security and the book's title as well as the introductory chapter clarify the state-based understandings of ‘security’ in this volume.

The book contains several rather minor editorial shortcomings that could have been alleviated through more thorough proof-reading and copy-editing. For example, consistency in spelling is an issue in the book: althingi versus alþingi, Reykjavik versus Reykjavík, Quebec versus Québec. Several errors in grammar and sentence structure can be found. For example ‘The government of Greenland has taken has a cleartwo-step toward exploration’ (page 49) or ‘The agreements with the EU is not just focused on the fishery sector’ (page 50). It is also new to this reviewer that the EU aims to achieve ‘permanent observer status in the Arctic Circle’ (page 114).

All in all Security and sovereignty in the North Atlantic is a book which contains interesting chapters that provide information which trigger further inquiry. Throughout the book, however, this reviewer was hoping for sometimes more daring chapters. Since this is certainly a very subjective point of criticism, this short book is certainly recommendable for those interested in sovereignty- and military-security-issues in the North Atlantic.

References

Foxall, A. 2014. ‘We have proved it, the Arctic is ours’: resources, security and strategy in the Russian Arctic. In: Powell, R. and Dodds, K. (editors). Polar geopolitics? Knowledges, resources and legal regimes. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar: 93112.Google Scholar
Körber, L.-A. and Volquardsen, E. (editors). 2014. The postcolonial north Atlantic. Iceland, Greenland and the Faroe Islands. Berlin: Nordeuropa Institut der Humboldt Universität.Google Scholar
Steinberg, P. E. 2014. Maintaining hegemony at a distance: ambivalence in US Arctic policy. In: Powell, R. and Dodds, K. (editors). Polar geopolitics? Knowledges, resources and legal regimes. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar: 113130.Google Scholar
Withnall, A. 2015. Vladimir Putin announces Russia will add more than 40 intercontinental ballistic missiles to nuclear arsenal in 2015. The Independent, 16 June 2015. URL: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/vladimir-putin-announces-russia-will-add-40-new-ballistic-missiles-to-nuclear-arsenal-in-2015--10323304.html (accessed 22 October 2015).Google Scholar