Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-9pm4c Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-26T03:05:44.126Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Grammaticalization by changing co-text frequencies, or why [BE Ving] became the ‘progressive’1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 August 2015

PETER PETRÉ*
Affiliation:
Center for Grammar, Cognition and Typology, University of Antwerp, Prinsstraat 13, B-2000 Antwerp, Belgiumpeter.petre@uantwerpen.be

Abstract

While the ‘progressive’ construction [BE Ving] (Hewas playing tenniswhen Jane came in) has been studied extensively both diachronically and synchronically, studies of its functional development tend not to extend further back than Early Modern English. This article draws attention to the functional changes [BE Ving] goes through already in Middle English, whose analysis sheds new light on the principles of early grammaticalization. To understand the observed changes, all uses of [BE Ving] are considered, not only those that have a clear verbal and aspectual function. During Middle English, important changes occurred in the frequencies of the various co-texts of [BE Ving]. They involve the increase in backgrounding adverbial clauses, which leads to the semanticization of ongoingness, a feature that was initially only associated with [BE Ving] by pragmatic implicature. The outcome is grammaticalization by co-text: co-textual changes paved the way for the acquisition of progressive semantics in [BE Ving] itself.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

1

The research reported on in this article has been made possible by a postdoctoral research grant from the FWO (Research Foundation Flanders, www.kuleuven.be/research/researchdatabase/project/3H11/3H110274.htm). I would like to thank Bernd Kortmann and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on a draft version of this article.

References

Agresti, Alan. 2010. Analysis of ordinal categorical data, 2nd edition. New York: John Wiley & Sons.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Behrens, Leila. 2005. Genericity from a cross-linguistics perspective. Linguistics 43, 275344.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bertinetto, Pier M. 2000. The progressive in Romance, as compared with English. In Dahl, Östen (ed.), Tense and aspect in the languages of Europe, 559604. Berlin: Mouton.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bertinetto, Pier M., Ebert, Karen H. & de Groot, Casper. 2000. The progressive in Europe. In Dahl, Östen (ed.), Tense and aspect in the languages of Europe, 517–58. Berlin: Mouton.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brinton, Laurel. 1996. Pragmatic markers in English: Grammaticalization and discourse functions. Berlin: Mouton.Google Scholar
Bybee, Joan. 2001. Main clauses are innovative, subordinate clauses are conservative. In Bybee, Joan & Noonan, Michael, Complex sentences in grammar and discourse: Essays in honor of Sandra A. Thompson, 117. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.Google Scholar
Bybee, Joan. 2006. From usage to grammar: The mind's response to repetition. Language 82 (4), 711–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bybee, Joan & Scheibman, Joanne. 1999. The effect of usage on degrees of constituency: The reduction of don't in English. Linguistics 37, 575–96.Google Scholar
Carroll, Mary & Lambert, Monique. 2003. Information Structure in narratives and the role of grammaticised knowledge: A study of adult French and German learners of English. In Dimroth, Christine & Starren, Marianne (eds.), Information structure and the dynamics of language acquisition, 267–87. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.Google Scholar
Dal, Ingerid. 1952. Zur Entstehung des englischen Participium Praesentis auf -ing . Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap 16, 5116.Google Scholar
De Smet, Hendrik. 2012. The course of actualization. Language 88 (3), 600–33.Google Scholar
De Smet, Hendrik & Heyvaert, Liesbet. 2011. The meaning of the English present participle. English Language and Linguistics 15 (3), 473–98.Google Scholar
Denison, David. 1993. English historical syntax: Verbal constructions. London: Longman.Google Scholar
Elsness, Johan. 1994. On the progression of the progressive in early Modern English. ICAME Journal 18, 525.Google Scholar
Fitzmaurice, Susan. 1998. Grammaticalisation, textuality and subjectivity: The progressive and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. In Stein, Dieter & Sornicola, Rosanna (eds.), The virtues of language. History in language, linguistics and texts, 2150. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins.Google Scholar
Fitzmaurice, Susan. 2004. The meanings and uses of the progressive construction in an early eighteenth-century English network. In Curzan, Anne & Emmons, Kimberly (eds.), Studies in the history of the English language II: Unfolding conversations, 131–74. Berlin: de Gruyter.Google Scholar
Fleischman, Suzanne. 1985. Discourse functions of tense-aspect oppositions in narrative: toward a theory of grounding. Linguistics 23 (6), 851–82.Google Scholar
Haspelmath, Martin. 1999. Why is grammaticalization irreversible? Linguistics 37, 1043–68.Google Scholar
Hilpert, Martin. 2008. Germanic future constructions: A usage-based approach to language change. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hopper, Paul J. 1979. Aspect and foregrounding in discourse. In Givón, Talmy (ed.), Discourse and syntax, 213–41. New York: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Hopper, Paul J. & Thompson, Sandra A.. 1980. Transitivity in grammar and discourse. Language 56 (2), 251–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hopper, Paul J. & Traugott, Elizabeth C.. 2003. Grammaticalization, 2nd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Keller, Rudi. 1994. On language change: The invisible hand in language. London and New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Kemmer, Suzanne. 1992. Grammatical prototypes and competing motivations in a theory of linguistic change. In Davis, Garry W. & Iverson, Gregory K. (eds.), Explanations in historical linguistics, 145–45. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.Google Scholar
Killie, Kristin. 2008. From locative to durative to focalized? The English progressive and ‘PROG imperfective drift’. In Maurizio, Gotti, Dossena, Marina & Dury, Richard (eds.), English historical linguistics 2006, vol. 1: Historical syntax and morphology. Selected papers from the fourteenth International Conference on English Historical Linguistics (ICEHL 14), Bergamo, 21–25 August 2006, 6988. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.Google Scholar
Killie, Kristin & Swan, Toril. 2009. The grammaticalization and subjectification of adverbial -ing clauses (converb clauses) in English. English Language and Linguistics 13 (3), 337–63.Google Scholar
Klein, Wolfgang. 1994. Time in language. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
König, Ekkehard. 1980. On the context-dependence of the progressive in English. In Rohrer, Christian (ed.), Time, tense and quantifiers: Proceedings of the Stuttgart Conference on the Logic of Tense and Quantification, 269–91. Tübingen: Niemeyer.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kranich, Svenja. 2010. The progressive in Modern English: A corpus-based study of grammaticalization and related changes. Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi.Google Scholar
Los, Bettelou. 2009. The consequences of the loss of verb-second in English: Information structure and syntax in interaction. English Language and Linguistics 13 (1), 97125.Google Scholar
Los, Bettelou. 2012. The loss of verb-second and the switch from bounded to unbounded systems. In Meurman-Solin, Anneli, López-Couso, María José & Los, Bettelou (eds.), Information structure and syntactic change in the history of English, 2146. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Nehls, Dietrich. 1974. Synchron-diachrone Untersuchungen zur expanded form im Englischen: Eine struktural-funktionale Analyse. Munich: Max Hueber.Google Scholar
Núñez-Pertejo, Paloma N. 2003. Adjectival participles or present participles? On the classification of some dubious examples from the Helsinki Corpus. SEDERI: Yearbook of the Spanish and Portuguese Society for English Renaissance Studies 13, 141–54. Vigo: University of Vigo.Google Scholar
Núñez-Pertejo, Paloma N. 2004. Some developments in the semantics of the English Progressive from Old English to Early Modern English. Revista Estudios Ingleses 17, 639.Google Scholar
Peng, Rui. 2012. Critical frequency as an independent variable in grammaticalization. Studies in Language 36 (2), 345–81.Google Scholar
Petré, Peter. 2012. General productivity: How become waxed and wax became a copula. Cognitive Linguistics 23 (1), 2865.Google Scholar
Petré, Peter. 2013. LEON: Leuven English Old to New, version 0.3 (https://lirias.kuleuven.be/handle/123456789/396725).Google Scholar
Petré, Peter. 2014. Constructions and environments: Copular, passive, and related constructions in Old and Middle English. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press . Google Scholar
R Core Team. 2013. R: A language and environment for statistical computing. Vienna: R Foundation for Statistical Computing (www.R-project.org).Google Scholar
Smitterberg, Erik. 2005. The progressive in 19th-century English: A process of integration. Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi.Google Scholar
Strang, Barbara M. 1982. Some aspects of the history of the be+ ing construction. In Anderson, John (ed.), Language form and linguistic variation: Papers dedicated to Angus McIntosh, 427–74. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.Google Scholar
Traugott, Elizabeth C. 1988. Pragmatic strengthening and grammaticalization. In Proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 406–16.Google Scholar
Traugott, Elizabeth C. 1992. Syntax. In Hogg, Richard (ed.), The Cambridge history of the English language, vol. 1, 168289. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Traugott, Elizabeth C. 2010. Dialogic contexts as motivations for syntactic change. In Cloutier, Robert A., Hamilton-Brehm, Anne Marie & Kretzschmar, William (eds.), Variation and change in English grammar and lexicon, 1127. Berlin: de Gruyter Mouton.Google Scholar
Traugott, Elizabeth C. 2012. On the persistence of ambiguous linguistic contexts over time: Implications for corpus research on micro-changes. In Mukherjee, Joybrato & Huber, Magnus (eds.), Corpus linguistics and variation in English: Theory and description, 231–46. Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi.Google Scholar
Traugott, Elizabeth C. & Trousdale, Graeme. 2013. Constructionalization and constructional changes. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
van de Pol, Nikki & Petré, Peter. 2015. Why is there a Present-Day English absolute? Studies in Language 39 (1), 199229.Google Scholar
Visser, Frederic Th. 1963–73. An historical syntax of the English language. Leiden: E. J. Brill.Google Scholar
Warner, Anthony. 1993. English auxiliaries: Structure and history. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Wårvik, Brita. 1995. The ambiguous adverbial/conjunctions þa and þonne in Middle English. A discourse-pragmatic study of then and when in Early English Saints’ Lives. In Jucker, Andreas H. (ed.), Historical pragmatics: Pragmatic developments in the history of English, 345–58. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.Google Scholar
Ziegeler, Debra. 1999. Agentivity and the history of the English progressive. Transactions of the Philological Society 97 (1). 51101.Google Scholar