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Contested Rights of Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples in Conflicts over Biocultural Diversity: The case of Karen communities in Thung Yai, a World Heritage Site in Thailand

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 April 2015

REINER BUERGIN*
Affiliation:
Faculty of Environment and Natural Resources, Forest Sciences, University of Freiburg, Germany Email: reiner.buergin@uni-freiburg.de

Abstract

The conceptualization of interrelations between biological and cultural diversity since the 1980s indicates a biocultural turn in discourses and policies regarding nature conservation, sustainable development, and indigenous peoples. These interrelations frequently manifest as conflicts between local communities who derive their livelihoods and identity from their lands and resources, and external actors and institutions who claim control over these areas, invoking superior interests in nature conservation, development, and modernization. In these asymmetric conflicts over biocultural diversity, framed in discourses that demand the preservation of both biological and cultural diversity, the opportunities for local communities to assert their claims crucially depend on external discursive and legal frameworks.

Based on a study of the Karen ethnic minority groups in the Thung Yai World Heritage Site in Thailand, this article explores challenges and chances for local communities to assert claims and rights to lands, resources, and self-determination in the context of the biocultural turn in environment and development discourses as well as heterogeneous legal frameworks. Human rights as individual rights are widely recognized, but may be difficult to enforce and of limited suitability in conflicts over biocultural diversity. Group rights like indigenous rights are increasingly devised to protect ethnic minorities and perpetuate cultural diversity, but are often disputed on the national level and may be ambiguous regarding heterogeneous communities. In Thailand and globally, community rights provide another promising framework with regard to conflicts over biocultural diversity if the claims of communities to livelihoods and self-determination are respected.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

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35 The Tai chronicles and travel reports of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries refer to the residence of the Karen governor as ‘Kyaukhaung’, ‘Chau Kaun’, or ‘Kienk Khaung’. While Renard supposes that this place was located at the place of the historical ‘Sangkhla’ and contemporary ‘Sangkhlaburi’ (see Renard, R. D. (1980), ‘The role of the Karens in Thai society during the Early Bangkok Period, 1782–1873’, Contributions to Asian Studies, 15:1, pp. 1617)Google Scholar, a careful reading of the travel reports of British officers and missionaries as well as local lore indicate that the administrative centre of the Karen principality was located at the same place or close to the present-day Karen village, Sanepong. See Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 85–91.

36 See Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 83–100. Regarding the history of the western border areas, see also Renard, ‘The role of the Karens in Thai society’ and Winichakul, Thongchai (1994), Siam mapped (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press)Google Scholar.

37 See Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 220–232, 270–274. On the origin and history of the sect, see Stern, T. (1968), ‘Ariya and the golden Book’, Journal of Asian Studies, 27:2, pp. 297328CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Ewers Andersen, K. (1976), ‘The Karens and the Dhamma-raja’, MA thesis, University of Copenhagen.

38 The term ‘Tai’ is used to refer to linguistic or ethnic categories, while ‘Thai’ indicates aspects of formal nationality and citizenship.

39 Regarding the complex dynamics of these changes, see Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 269–322, and Buergin, R. (2002), Change and identity in Pwo Karen communities in Thung Yai Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary, a ‘global heritage’ in Western Thailand (University of Freiburg, SEFUT Working Paper 11).

40 To date, the data collected in 1996/1997 (see Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 203–292) is the most detailed and reliable data available. More recent demographic and economic data regarding the Western Forest Complex (WEFCOM) was collected in 2003/2004 by public authorities in rapid socio-economic surveys and were compiled in the context of the GMS Biodiversity Conservation Corridors Initiative of the Asian Development Bank. See Asian Development Bank (2005), The Tenasserim Biodiversity Conservation Corridor: Western Forest Complex—Kaeng Krachan Complex, Thailand: GMS Biodiversity Conservation Corridors Initiative: Annex 3–4 (Manila, Philippines: ADB), pp. 811Google Scholar. According to this data, the mean annual income in Subdistrict Lai Wo (which comprises most of the Karen communities in Thung Yai) was around US$ 263 per household or US$ 53 per person, while the figures for Lai Wo in my survey in 1996/1997 were US$ 271 per household and US$ 57 per person. Population data for 2004, giving a total of 3,319 Karen people living in the Thung Yai Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary, likewise indicate that basic socio-economic data such as population size and incomes have not changed significantly.

41 See, for example, Sato, J. (2002), ‘Karen and the land in between’, in Chatty, D. and Colchester, M., Conservation and mobile indigenous peoples (New York: Berghahn Books), pp. 277295Google Scholar; Buergin, R. (2003), ‘Shifting frames for local people and forests in a global heritage’, Geoforum, 34:3, pp. 375393CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vandergeest, P. and Peluso, N. L. (2011), ‘Political violence and scientific forestry’, in Goldman, M. J., Turner, M. D. and Nadasdy, P., Knowing nature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), pp. 152166Google Scholar; Sturgeon, J. C. et al. (2013), ‘Enclosing ethnic minorities and forests in the golden economic quadrangle’, Development and Change, 44:1, pp. 5379CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a more comprehensive account, see Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 101–200.

42 On the history and policies of the Royal Forest Department, see Usher, A. D. (2009), Thai forestry (Chiang Mai: Silkworm)Google Scholar.

43 See Buergin, R. (2003), ‘Trapped in environmental discourses and politics of exclusion’, in Delang, C. O., Living at the edge of Thai society (London: RoutledgeCurzon), pp. 4363CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The Protected Area System was devised in detail in the ‘Thai Forestry Sector Master Plan’ 1993 (TFSMP), without a stated timeline. While the Thai Forestry Sector Master Plan as a whole was never approved by the Thai government, the objective to designate 27.5 per cent of Thailand's terrestrial area as ‘protected areas’ had already been adopted in 1992.

44 See FAO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific (2009), Thailand forestry outlook study (Bangkok: FAO Regional Office), pp. 1819Google Scholar, and Usher, Thai forestry, pp. 173–175.

45 See Buergin, R. and Kessler, C. (2000), ‘Intrusions and exclusions’, GeoJournal, 52:1, pp. 7180CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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47 See Brenner, V. et al. (1999), Thailand's community forest bill (University of Freiburg, SEFUT Working Paper 3); Weatherby, M. and Somying Soonthornwong (2007), ‘The Thailand Community Forest Bill’, RECOFTC Community Forestry E-News, December 2007; Usher, Thai forestry, 2009.

48 Officially the term covers nine distinct tribal peoples: the Karen, Hmong, Lisu, Lahu, Akha, Mien, Khamu, Lua’, and H’tin, each with a distinct language and culture. It does not differentiate between those who have lived on their customary lands for generations, pre-dating the Thai state, and those who migrated into the Thai state at a later date.

49 Buergin, R. (2000), ‘Hill tribes’ and forests (University of Freiburg, SEFUT Working Paper 7).

50 McKinnon, J. M. and Vienne, B. (1989), ‘Introduction’, in McKinnon, J. M. and Vienne, B., Hill tribes today (Bangkok: Golden Lotus), pp. xixxxviiGoogle Scholar.

51 In a time of great political unrest, the poaching incident became a focal point for the prevailing discontent with the military rule, triggering public protest and demonstrations that finally led to the fall of the Thanom-Prapas regime after the uprising of 14 October 1973 and the establishment of a new democratic government. After the military had taken power once again in October 1976, many of the leaders and activists of the democracy movement fled into the peripheral regions of the country that were under control of the Communist Party of Thailand. Many of them sought refuge in the western forests and among the Karen people living in the sanctuaries. For commercial hunters, logging companies, and state authorities, vast areas of the western forests became inaccessible until the beginning of the 1980s, one of the reasons why they have remained largely undisturbed until today.

52 Most outspoken in this regard were Veeravat Thiraprasat, then chief of the Thung Yai Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary and supporter of the Karen in Thung Yai, and Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands, founder and former president of the World Wildlife Fund. Just before the Nam Choan Controversy reached its peak, Thailand had ratified the World Heritage Convention in December 1987. During a visit to Thailand in February 1988, Prince Bernhard had raised his concerns about the dam project in the wildlife sanctuary, emphasizing particularly the interest of the World Wildlife Fund in having the area declared a World Heritage Site, which would require giving up the dam project. After the project had been shelved, student groups, NGOs and academics continued to push the idea, fearing the dam project might be revived—something that seemed to be less probable in a World Heritage Site.

53 See Buergin and Kessler, ‘Intrusions and exclusions’.

54 Seub committed suicide on 1 September 1991. Belinda Stewart-Cox commented on his death by reproaching his superiors at the Royal Forest Department: ‘Seub's death was suicide—an act of despair—but it might as well have been murder. When he needed the support of his superiors to do the job they had asked him to do—stop the hunting and logging that was rampant in Huai Kha Khaeng at that time, master-minded by police and military officials—it was withheld. A terrible betrayal.’ Stewart-Cox, B. (1998), ‘Forests too precious for Seub legacy to be lost’, The Nation, 23 September 1998.

55 Nakhasathien, Seub and Stewart-Cox, B. (1990), Nomination of the Thung Yai—Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuary to be a U.N.E.S.C.O. World Heritage Site (Bangkok, Thailand: Royal Forest Department), pp. 4445Google Scholar.

56 Jørgensen, A. B. (1996), ‘Elephants or people’ (Honolulu, Hawai‘i, 48th annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, 11–14 April 1996).

57 Eudey, A. A. (1989), ‘Eviction orders to the Hmong of Huai Yew Yee village, Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuary, Thailand’, in McKinnon and Vienne, Hill tribes today, pp. 249–59Google Scholar; MIDAS Agronomics Company (1993), Conservation forest area protection, management, and development project: Pre-investment study (Bangkok: MIDAS Agronomics Company)Google Scholar.

58 Kutintara, U. and Bhumpakkapun, N. (1988), [Draft management plan for the Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuary] (in Thai) (Bangkok: Department of Forest Biology, Kasetsart University)Google Scholar; Kutintara, U. and Bhumpakkapun, N. (1989), [Draft management plan for the Thung Yai Wildlife Sanctuary] (in Thai) (Bangkok: Kasetsart University)Google Scholar.

59 Seub and Stewart-Cox, Nomination of the Thung Yai, p. 45; Thailand (1991), Thungyai—Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuary: Nomination of natural property to the World Heritage List Submitted by Thailand (Paris: Thailand Office of the National Environment Board)Google Scholar.

60 IUCN's Advisory Body Evaluation notes that, ‘There is a policy to remove the remaining illegal settlements in the reserve and several have been relocated to date.’ See IUCN (1991), World Heritage Nomination—IUCN Technical Evaluation 591: Thung Yai—Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuary (Thailand) (Gland: IUCN), p. 70Google Scholar. The World Conservation Monitoring Centre datasheet from March 1991, which is attached to the IUCN Evaluation, states: ‘Some 3,800 tribal people live within the sanctuary. There are still four Hmong villages . . . Since 1987, 2–3 Hmong villages have been moved each year . . . By 1991 all villages will have been closed. Sixteen Karen villages (1,826 people) are still resident [in the sanctuary complex], but there are plans to resettle them.’

61 UNESCO (1991), Nomination of natural property to the World Heritage list: Submitted by Thailand: ThungYai—Huaikhakhaeng Wildlife Sanctuary (Paris: UNESCO World Heritage Committee), p. 29Google Scholar.

62 Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 175–186.

63 MIDAS, Conservation forest area protection. The proposed project was to have a timeframe of five years, beginning in 1994. The total project cost was estimated at US$ 96 million to be covered by a grant of US$ 20 million from the Global Environment Facility (GEF), a US$ 40 million loan from the World Bank, and funds from bilateral aid donors and the Royal Thai Government.

64 The study had argued against resettlement in the specific case of the Karen villages in Thung Yai Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary, albeit in a rather ambivalent way and under strict conservation reservations. The detrimental effects of the villages and risks to the sanctuary were assessed as relatively low, while their resettlement would supposedly be costly and cause considerable difficulties.

65 The project was halted after grant funds from the GEF were made conditional on ratification of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) in July 1994, which Thailand had not yet ratified. In the controversy about the project, the representative of the Bank had tried to exert moderate pressure, indicating that the limited funds of the GEF might be assigned to other countries if the ratification of the CBD was delayed.

66 When these events became public, the director general of the Royal Forest Department downplayed his role in the incidents, at first denying any military actions at all. In contrast to the director general, the commander of the military troops involved seemed rather proud of their achievements. He declared the operation a ‘pilot project’ of the new alliance between the military and the Royal Forest Department agreed upon in May 1998, and exemplary in their joint efforts to prevent forest destruction.

67 For details and references regarding evictions and oppressions in Thung Yai, see Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 159–200.

68 Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 305–309.

69 Even from an external utilitarian conservation perspective, the resettlement of the Karen and the prohibition of their subsistence-oriented swidden system is unreasonable. Assuming a mean fallow period of 10 years, the total agricultural area in the sanctuary, including fallow areas, accounts only for about 1 per cent of its area.

70 Robert Steinmetz, personal communication, February 2002.

71 Thailand (2003), ‘Thailand: Thungyai—Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuaries’, in UNESCO World Heritage Centre, Summaries of Periodic Reports Submitted by States Parties (Paris: UNESCO), p. 234Google Scholar.

72 See Buergin and Kessler, ‘Intrusions and exclusions’.

73 See, for example, Walker, A. and Farrelly, N. (2008), ‘Northern Thailand's specter of eviction’, Critical Asian Studies, 40:3, pp. 373397CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In their ‘specter of eviction’ they reasonably point to discrepancies between the extent of actual relocations of upland people in Thailand since the 1980s (which is low in their perspective) and the importance of the issue of relocation in public discourses as well as administrative regulations and policies. Unfortunately, their paper in large part reads like a bashing of socially concerned academics who have taken a position on societal disputes without dismissing their scientific ethos and reasoning. Even worse, the paper tends to ‘obscure’ the very real fears, hostilities, restrictions, and violations experienced by the people who are scheduled for eviction according to administrative objectives, even though the probability for ‘real eviction’ may be low. However, I share their reservations regarding stereotypes of ‘benign environmentalists’ and ‘noble savages’. While I fully agree with their objective to empower communities in the uplands and to reassess disadvantages, I would feel much less comfortable if this was supposed to be imposed in the context of another stereotype, namely that of the ‘underdeveloped rural poor craving modernity’.

74 See Buergin, ‘Trapped in environmental discourses’.

75 Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 305–309.

76 For a more comprehensive account of the religious and cognitive dynamics in the late 1990s, see Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 220–232, 270–275, 297–302. For a broader historical context of this ethical and ideological attitude with regard to millenarian movements among the Karen in the Thai-Burmese borderland, see also Gravers, M. (2012), ‘Waiting for a righteous ruler’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 43:2, pp. 340363CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Hayami, Y. (2011), ‘Pagodas and prophets’, Journal of Asian Studies, 70:4, pp. 10831105CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

77 Buergin, ‘Shifting frames’.

78 Buergin, R. (2009), ‘Konflikte um biokulturelle Diversität in Thailand’, Asien, 112–113, pp. 9–30.

79 World Bank (2004), ‘UN indigenous forum: Paper trail’, World Bank Press Review, 2004.

80 Colchester, M. (2001), Global policies and projects in Asia (Washington, DC: WWF)Google Scholar.

81 See Lerner, Group rights and discrimination; Bisaz, ‘The concept of group rights’.

82 For example, United Nations, Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

83 See, for example, Kingsbury, ‘Indigenous peoples’; Erni, C. (ed.) (2008), The concept of indigenous peoples in Asia (Copenhagen: IWGIA)Google Scholar.

84 Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 74–200. Such ‘cultural’ legacies of the violating expansion of modern societies and their ‘culture of modernity’ together with concomitant endeavours of people at the edge of modern societies worldwide to conceive of and identify themselves in relation and distance to ‘modernity’ may even serve as a distinguishing attribute of the concept of ‘indigenous peoples’.

85 See Kingsbury, ‘Indigenous peoples’.

86 See, for example, Turton, A. (ed.) (2000), Civility and savagery: Social identity in Tai states (Richmond: Curzon)Google Scholar, and Connors, M. K. (2003), Democracy and national identity in Thailand (London: Routledge)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

87 See Buergin, Hill tribes and forests.

88 See UN Commission on Human Rights (2004), Human rights and indigenous issues: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, Rodolfo Stavenhagen (UN Doc. E/CN.4/2004/80/Add.1, 6 February 2004), p. 18.

89 UNESCO (2001), ‘WHIPCOE on Stage’, World Heritage Newsletter, 31 (July–August–September 2001), p. 2.

90 See, for example, UN Commission on Human Rights (2003), Human rights and indigenous issues: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, Rodolfo Stavenhagen, submitted in accordance with Commission resolution 2001/65 (UN Doc. E/CN.4/2003/90), para. 22; UN Human Rights Council (2008), Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, S. James Anaya, Addendum: Summary of cases transmitted to Governments and replies received (UN Doc. A/HRC/9/9/Add.1), para. 464 ff; UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (2006), Consideration of reports submitted by states parties under article 44 of the convention: Concluding observations: Thailand (UN Doc. CRC/C/THA/CO/2). Also see UN (2008), Resource kit on indigenous peoples’ issues (New York: Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues), pp. 8, 28Google Scholar.

91 See, for instance, UNCED, Agenda 21 (CBD, Art. 8(j)); IUCN, WCPA and WWF (1999), Principles and guidelines on indigenous and traditional peoples and protected areas (Gland: IUCN)Google Scholar; UN (2004), Decision VII/16 (Akwé: Kon Guidelines): Seventh Meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 9–20 February 2004 (Kuala Lumpur: Working Group on Article 8(j)).

92 For example, when the World Heritage Committee voted to support customary law and customary management by ‘traditional’ or indigenous peoples as a sufficient basis to guarantee the protection of natural World Heritage sites, Thailand disassociated itself from the decision. See UNESCO World Heritage Committee (1999), World Heritage Committee: Twenty-second session Kyoto, Japan, 30 November–5 December 1998: Report, World Heritage Report (WHC-98/CONF.203/18, Paris, World Heritage Committee), pp. 26, 56.

93 See, for example, Disko, S. (2010), ‘World Heritage sites in indigenous peoples’ territories’, in Offenhäußer, D., Zimmerli, W. C. and Albert, M.-T., World heritage and cultural diversity (Bonn: German Commission for UNESCO), pp. 167–77Google Scholar; Hay-Edie, T. et al. (2011), ‘The roles of local, national and international designations in conserving biocultural diversity on a landscape scale’, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 17:6, pp. 527536CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

94 For example, UNESCO World Heritage Centre (2003), Cultural landscapes (Paris: UNESCO)Google Scholar; Taylor, K. and Lennon, J. (2011), ‘Cultural landscapes’, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 17:6, pp. 537554CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

95 The closure of the Tribal Research Institute in 2002 may be seen as a significant marker of this shift. See Buadaeng, Kwanchewan (2006), ‘The rise and fall of the Tribal Research Institute’, Southeast Asian Studies, 44:3, pp. 359384Google Scholar. Since then it has become increasingly difficult to find any official statistical data regarding ‘hill tribe’ ethnic minority groups in Thailand.

96 See, for example, Toyota, M. (2005), ‘Subjects of the nation without citizenship’, in Kymlicka, W. and He, B., Multiculturalism in Asia (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 110135CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Keyes, C. F. (2008), ‘Ethnicity and the nation-states of Thailand and Vietnam’, in Leepreecha, Prasit, McCaskill, D. and Buadaeng, Kwanchewan, Challenging the limits (Chiang Mai: Mekong Press), pp.1354Google Scholar.

97 In 2002, about 370,000 ‘hill tribe’ people in Thailand were denied citizenship. This is the number according to official statistics but human rights groups estimated the figure to be more than 600,000. See Toyota, M. (2008), ‘Ambivalent categories: Hill tribes and illegal migrants in Thailand’, in Rajaram, P. K. and Grundy-Warr, C., Borderscapes (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press), pp. 91116Google Scholar. UNHCR statistics for 2013 account for 506,197 stateless persons in Thailand in 2013 (besides some 85,000 refugees and another 15,000 asylum seekers), who are supposed to predominantly belong to hill tribe groups. See UNHCR (2013), 2013 UNHCR country operations profile—Thailand: http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e489646.html, [accessed 27 January 2014], and Van Waas, L. (2013), Reflections on Thailand (1): A protracted and neglected situation of statelessness: http://statelessprog.blogspot.de/2013/02/reflections-on-thailand-1-protracted.html, [accessed 27 January 2014].

98 Buergin, ‘Trapped in environmental discourses’.

99 See, for example, Chusak Wittayapak, The community culture revisited, Amsterdam, 7th International Conference on Thai Studies, 4–8 July 1999; McKinnon, J. M. (2003), ‘Community culture’, in Delang, C. O., Living at the edge of Thai society (London: RoutledgeCurzon), pp. 6484CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

100 Thailand, Secretariat of the House of Representatives (2007), Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, B.E. 2550 (2007) (Bangkok: Bureau of Printing Services)Google Scholar. Section 66 states: ‘Persons so assembling as to be a traditional community shall have the right to conserve or restore their customs, local knowledge, good arts and culture of their community and of the nation and participate in the management, maintenance, preservation and exploitation of natural resources, the environment and the biological diversity in a balanced and sustainable fashion.’ Regarding community rights, see also Section 67 of the constitution.

101 See FAO Regional Office, Thailand forestry outlook study, pp. 19, 27.

102 According to government statistics, more than half of the area of northern Thailand—where most of the ‘hill tribes’ have their settlement areas—is covered with forests. Today this proportion is basically the same as it was in 1982, despite 30 years of stigmatizing ‘hill tribes’ as forest destroyers. The share of these northern forests with regard to the country's total forest area has even increased. While the forests of northern Thailand comprised 49 per cent of the total forest area of the country in 1961, this share had risen to 56 per cent in 2006. See FAO Regional Office, Thailand forestry outlook study, p. 100, and Buergin, Umweltverhältnisse, pp. 131–133.

103 The cabinet resolution further made the following recommendations: ‘Repeal the declarations concerning protected areas, reserve forests and settlements of Karen people which already have the capability to prove that their settlement, living on and use of these lands has continued for a long time or since before the declaration of laws or policies that now cover these areas’; ‘Support and recognize the rotational farming systems which belong to the Karen ways of life and livelihood, and which support the sustainable use of natural resources and self-sufficiency’; ‘Support self-sufficiency or alternative agriculture instead of cash crop production or industrial agriculture’; and ‘Support and recognize the ways of using the land and the management of local traditional communities, for example through issuing communal land titles’. See Thailand (3 August 2010), Recovering the Karen livelihood in Thailand (Bangkok: Ministry of Culture, Cabinet Resolution of the Royal Thai Government).

104 Steinmetz, R., Chutipong, Wanlop and Seuaturien, Naret (2006), ‘Collaborating to conserve large mammals in Southeast Asia’, Conservation Biology, 20:5, pp. 13911401CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

105 Recent violations by the National Park staff and the Thai military against Karen people living in the Kaeng Krachan National Park in 2011 indicate that at least some state authorities are ignoring the resolution and still follow more familiar repression and resettlement policies. See Asia Indigenous Peoples’ Pact (2011), Statement from the Karen Network for Culture and Environment, AIPP and NGOs, government networks and academic institutions—Case of Human Rights Violations by the Head of the KaengKrachan National Park Against Ethnic Karen Villagers: http://www.aippnet.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=594 [accessed February 2015].

106 Evident, supposed or assigned differences between social groups are frequently highlighted and exploited in these struggles over resources, redistribution, identity, social status, and power. Not least, these struggles are significantly framed and negotiated in discourses about national identities and cultural diversity. See, for example, Keyes, C. F. (2002), ‘Presidential address: ‘The peoples of Asia’—Science and politics in the classification of ethnic groups in Thailand, China, and Vietnam’, Journal of Asian Studies, 61:4, pp. 11631203CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Connors, M. K. (2005), ‘Ministering culture’, Critical Asian Studies, 37:4, pp. 523551CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which unavoidably invoke disputed self-images of modern societies.