¹ The Naqeeb-e-Khatam-e-Nubuwwat, Multan, December 1996, p. 41. Wasaya, Allah, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat; 1953 (Lahore: Idara Talifat-i-Khatam-i-Nuuwwat, 2008)Google Scholar. Also see Ala Maududi, Abu, Qadiani Masala (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1998), pp. 78–93Google Scholar; and Shafi, Muhammad, Finality of Prophethood, translated by Rehaman, Afzal ur (London: Islamic Dawah Council UK, 2001)Google Scholar.

² See Malik, Iftikhar H., Religious Minorities in Pakistan (London: Minority Rights Group, 2002)Google Scholar.

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⁴ On the emergence of exclusionary discourses in the early years of Pakistan, see Shaikh, Making Sense of Pakistan, p. 58 and ff.

⁵ Ahmed, ‘Adjudicating Muslims’.

⁶ Saeed, ‘Politics of Exclusion’; and Saeed, Sadia, ‘Pakistani Nationalism and the State Marginalization of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan’, Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, 2007 ASEN Conference Special, 7, 3 (2007), pp. 132–152Google Scholar, and ‘Political Fields and Religious Movements: The Exclusion of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan’, Political Power and Social Theory, 23, pp. 189–223.

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²² Gualtieri, The Ahmadis, p. vii.

²³ Robinson, Francis, Islam, South Asia and the West (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 69Google Scholar. Also see Hardy, The Muslims of British India, pp. 172–173.

²⁴ Binder, Leonard, Religion and Politics in Pakistan (Los Angeles: California University Press, 1963), p. 260Google Scholar.

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²⁶ Robinson, Francis, ‘Prophets without Honours?: Ahmed and the Ahamdiyya’, History Today, 40, 6 (June 1990)Google Scholar.

²⁷ Ahmed, ‘Adjudicating Muslims’, p. 20.

²⁸ For details, see Khan, Zafarullah, Muhammad: Seal of the Prophets (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980)Google Scholar, quoted in Kennedy, Charles H., ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State: The Case of the Ahmadiyya in Pakistan’ in Vajpeyi, Dhirendra and Malik, Yogendra (eds), Religious and Ethnic Minority Politics in South Asia (Delhi: Manohar, 1989), p. 89Google Scholar.

²⁹ Muhammad and Muhammad Abdullah were brothers from Ballia walli, Ludhiana District. Abdullah earned considerable acclaim as a scholar. They sat at the feet of Muhammad Hassan Amritsari, Mehmud ul Hassan, and Anwar Shah Kashmiri as students of Hadith. Hence their affinity with Deoband was beyond any doubt. Rahi, Akhter, Tazkira-i-Ulema-i-Punjab (Lahore: Maktaba-i-Rehmania, 1998), pp. 346–347Google Scholar. Also see Muhammad, Khawja Khan, Tehreek-i-Khatm-i-Nubuwwat: Mazil ba Manzil (Lahore: Markaz-i-Sirajia, n.d.)Google Scholar, p. 4; and Chinoti, Mushtaq, Tahfuz-i-Khatm-i-Nubuwat key Sad Sala Tarikh (Lahore: International Khatam-i-Nubuwwat Movement Pakistan, 2008), pp. 44–55Google Scholar; and Ludhianvi, Ibne Anees Habib ur Rehman, Tarikh-i-Khatam e Nubuwwat (Faisalabad: Raees ul Ahrar Academy, 2005), pp. 47–48Google Scholar.

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³¹ Lavan, The Ahmadiyah Movement, p. 17.

³² The daily, Zia-i-Hadith, Lahore, Vol. 18, Nos 4–5, April–May 2009, p. 343.

³³ Sanyal, Usha, Devotional Islam and Politics in British India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 234Google Scholar.

³⁴ Mehr Ali Shah, quoted in Kashmiri, Shorish, Tarikh-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat (Lahore: Matbuaat-i-Chatan, 2003), p. 51Google Scholar.

³⁵ Harding, Christopher, Religious Transformation in South Asia: The Meaning of Conversion in Colonial Punjab (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Webster, John C. B., The Christian Community and Change in 19^th Century India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1976)Google Scholar; and Robinson, Islam, South Asia, p. 69.

³⁶ ‘Arya Samaj’ denotes ‘the noble society’, a nineteenth-century Hindu reform movement founded in 1875 by Swami Dayananda Saraswati (1824–1883) from Takara, Gujrat. However, it flourished in Punjab more than anywhere else. It emphasized the infallibility of the Vedas, and the ideals of chastity and renunciation. He also authored a book, Satyarth Prakash, which was regarded as a bible for Aryas. For details, see Jones, Kenneth W., Arya Dharm: Hindu Consciousness in 19th Century Punjab (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976)Google Scholar.

³⁷ By 1891 the Christian population in Punjab registered an increase of 410 per cent. Their total number swelled from 19,750 to 163,994 by 1911. Jones, Arya Dharm, p. 10.

³⁸ Cohn, Bernard S., ‘The Census, Social Structure and Objectification of South Asia’, in his Anthropologist Among the Historians and Other Essays (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 224–254Google Scholar; Dirks, Nicholas, Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; and Jones, Kenneth W., ‘Religious identity and the Indian census’ in Barrier, N. G. (ed.), The Census in British India: New Perspectives (Delhi: Manohar, 1981), pp. 73–101Google Scholar. However, more significant than the publication of the decennial census reports, as Ali Usman Qasmi contends, was the attempted en masse conversion of Sikh students at the Amritsar Mission School in 1973 and the baptism in 1894 of Maulwi Hafiz Nabi Bakhsh of the Muslim High School, Amritsar. See Qasmi, Ali Usman, Questioning the Authority of the Past: The Ahl al-Quran Movements in the Punjab (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 115Google Scholar.

³⁹ Shuddhi is derived from the Hindi word shudh which means ‘pure’. Arya Samaj employed Shuddhi as a purification ritual to reconvert those who had embraced other religions, particularly Christianity and Islam. Later on Shuddhi was used as a conversion ritual for non-Hindus.

⁴⁰ Jones, Kenneth W., Socio-Religious Reform Movements in British India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 100Google Scholar.

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⁴² For a brief introduction to Lekh Ram, see Jones, Kenneth W., ‘Communalism in the Punjab: The Arya Samaj Contribution’, The Journal of Asian Studies, 28, 1 (November, 1968), pp. 45–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴⁴ Ibid, pp. 191–192.

⁴⁵ Ahmed, ‘Adjudicating Muslims,’ p. 20.

⁴⁶ Home Deptt., Poll., 1912 Nov., pI, Nos. 46–47, cited in Bhatia, Social Change and Politics, p. 191. Also see A. R. Dard who mentions the Ishtihar, which Ghulam Ahmad published on 4 November 1900, in which he declared that ‘his followers should be known as the Ahmadiyyah sect of Muslims . . .’. Dard, A. R., Life of Ahmad: Founder of the Ahmadiyyah Movement (Tilford: Islam International Publications Limited, 2008), p. 795Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Census Report, 1911 (Lahore: Government of the Punjab Printing Press), p. 169.

⁴⁸ Census of India, 1931, Volume xvii, Punjab, Part 1, Report (Lahore: Government of the Punjab Printing Press, 1933), p. 313.

⁴⁹ Kaviraj, Sudipta, ‘The Imaginary Institution of India’, in Chatterjee, Partha and Pandey, Gyanendra (eds), Subaltern Studies: Writings on South Asian History and Society (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992), Vol. 7, pp. 1–39Google Scholar, cited in Mir, The Social Space of Language, p. 18.

⁵⁰ Linden, Bob van der, Moral Languages from Colonial Punjab: The Singh Sabha, Arya Samaj and Ahmadiyahs (Delhi: Manohar, 2008) p. 189Google Scholar; Reetz, Dietrich, Islam in the Public Sphere: Religious Groups in India, 1900–1947 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Robinson, ‘Prophets without Honours?’.

⁵² Smith, Modern Islam in India, p. 343. Zafarullah Khan, the first foreign minister of Pakistan, did not attend the funeral prayer of Muhammad Ali Jinnah. When in Karachi, he was asked why he had stayed away from the funeral prayer, his response was that it was for religious reasons, because people would either ‘think that an infidel (kafir) has not read a Muslim's funeral prayer or a Muslim has not read a kafir's funeral prayer’. See Abdus Sittar Khan Niazi, ‘Tehreek e Khatam-i-Nubuwwat sey Sazaey Maut tek ki Kahani’ in the monthly, La Nabi Baadi, Khatam-i-Nubuwwat Number, Lahore, 2002, p. 120.

⁵³ A vivid exposition of Ahmadi aloofness is furnished in the monthly, Tarjman ul Quran, Lahore, February 1953, p. 12.

⁵⁴ Valentine, Islam and the Ahmadiyya jama’at, p. 203.

⁵⁵ Lavan, The Ahmadiyah Movement, pp. 98–101.

⁵⁶ Ibid, pp. 104–105.

⁵⁷ For a detailed biography of Bashir ud Din Mehmud Ahmed, see Tahir Ahmad, Sawneh Fazal-i-Umar, Vols 1–5 (Rabwah: Fazal Umar Foundation, 2005).

⁵⁸ Kennedy, ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State’, p. 80.

⁵⁹ The terms ‘Qadiani’ and ‘Ahmadi’ are used interchangeably to describe the same group. Most Muslims use ‘Qadiani’. Awan, Samina, Political Islam in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-i-Ahrar, 1929–1949 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 81Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Kennedy, ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State’, p. 81.

⁶¹ Haq, Afzal, Tarikh-e-Ahrar (Lahore: Maktaba Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam, 1968), p. 70Google Scholar. Also see Mirza, Janbaz, Karwan-i-Ahrar, 5 vols (Lahore: Maktaba-yi Tabassura, 1975–81)Google Scholar.

⁶² Kashmiri, Shorish, Boo-e-Gul, Nala-e-Dil, Dood-e-Chiragh-i-Mahfil (Lahore: Chattan Publications, 1972), p. 310Google Scholar.

⁶³ Awan, Political Islam in Colonial Punjab, p. 81. For the Ahmadi point of view, see Shahid, Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyyat, Vol. V, pp. 185–186.

⁶⁴ Kashmiri, Tarikh-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, pp. 78–79.

⁶⁵ Kennedy, ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State’, p. 85. Bashir ud Din Mehmud Ahmed, however, lists four reasons for being so passionate about Kashmir: he travelled to Kashmir a number of times so he had first-hand knowledge of the miserable lot of the Muslims there; the 50,000 Ahmadis living there faced oppression and tyranny by the Dogra ruler; his grandfather, Murtaza, went there with Nawab Imam Din (Governor Jullunder) during Ranjit Singh's reign and served there; and, finally, his teacher and father-in-law, Hakim Nur ud Din, was once royal physician there. See Shahid, Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyyat, Vol. V, pp. 394–395.

⁶⁶ Schofield, Victoria, Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unfinished War (London: I. B. Tauris, 2000), p. 18Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Lamb, Alastair, Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy (Hertfordshire: Roxford Books, 1991), p. 89Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Copland, Ian, ‘Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931–34’, Pacific Affairs, 54, 2 (Summer 1981), p. 231CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁹ Ibid, p. 236.

⁷⁰ Ibid.

⁷¹ Ibid, p. 238.

⁷² Punjab fortnightly report for the first half of December 1931 (National Archives of India, file 18/12/31), cited in Gilmartin, David, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (London: I. B. Tauris, 1988), p. 97Google Scholar.

⁷³ Kennedy, ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State’, p. 85.

⁷⁴ Ibid.

⁷⁵ The Ahmadiya Sect: Notes on the Origin, Development and History of the Movement 1939 (Lahore: Punjab Government, 1939), file no.35/5/1938 (Islamabad: NDC, 1986), p. 15. Cited in Awan, Political Islam in Colonial Punjab, p. 81.

⁷⁶ Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 12.

⁷⁷ For the Masjid Shahid Ganj and the controversy surrounding it, see Gilmartin, David, ‘The Shahid Ganj Mosque Incident: A Prelude to Pakistan’ in Burke, Edmund III and Lapidus, Ira M. (eds), Islam, Politics, and Social Movements (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 146–168Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Talbot, Ian, Punjab and the Raj (Delhi: Manohar, 1988), p. 94Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Ahrar in the 1930s and 1940s was occupied with the Madh Sahbah movement in the United Provinces, hence igniting Shia–Sunni conflict. See Jones, Justin, Shi’a Islam in Colonial India: Religion, Community and Sectarianism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), pp. 186–199Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Saeed, ‘Politics of Exclusion’, p. 151.

⁸¹ Rabwah, according to Friedmann, is mentioned in the Quran as the place where Allah provided refuge to Jesus and his mother. The name, therefore, underscores Ghulam Ahmad's affinity with Jesus Christ. Friedmann, Prophecy Continuous, p. 39. However, it should also be noted that Bashir ud Din Mehmud Ahmed temporarily encamped at Rattan Bagh Lahore.

⁸² The Ahrar vehemently opposed the Lahore Resolution. They were particularly opposed to the idea of a transfer of population on the basis of religion. For the Ahrar point of view, see Azhar, Mazhar Ali, Humarey Firkawarana Faysaley ka Istadraj: Judagana Intakhabat sey Pakistan Tak (Lahore: Maktaba-i-Ahrar, 1944), pp. 162–169Google Scholar.

⁸³ Kashmiri, Shorish, Sayaad Ataullah Shah Bokhari, Swaneh wa Afkar (Lahore: Matbuaat-i-Chattan), p. 117Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Afzal, M. Rafique, Political Parties in Pakistan: 1947–1958 (Islamabad: National Commission on Historical and Cultural Research, 1976), p. 27Google Scholar. For Hakumat-i-Ilahiya and its conceptual exposition, see Azhar, Humarey Firkawarana Faysaley ka Istadraj, pp. 244–247.

⁸⁵ Azhar, Humarey Firkawarana Faysaley ka Istadraj, p. 247.

⁸⁶ Qureshi, Ishtiaq Hussain, Ulema in Politics (Delhi: Renaissance Publishing House, 1985), pp. 360–362Google Scholar. Pirzada, Sayyid A. S., The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Pakistan: 1971–1977 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 9Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Some of them were Azad Subhani, Raghib Ahsan, Shafiq Ahmad Uthmani, Abdul Jabbar Wahidi, and Sayyid Muhammad Uthman. Ibid.

⁸⁸ For composite nationalism, see Metcalf, Barbara, Hussain Ahmad Madni: The Jihad for Islam and India's Freedom (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2009).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Hamza argues, ‘every Muslim group was hostile to Jinnah’. See Alavi, Hamza, ‘Ethnicity, Muslim Society and the Pakistan Ideology’, in Weiss, Anita M. (ed.), Islamic Reassertion in Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard, 1987), pp. 21–47Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Pirzada, The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Pakistan, p. 11.

⁹¹ Nasr, Vali Reza, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution: The Jamaat-i-Islami of Pakistan (London: I. B. Taurus, 1994), p. 123Google Scholar.

⁹² ‘It laid down that sovereignty over the entire universe belonged to God Almighty alone, and that the authority delegated by Him to the state of Pakistan was a sacred trust to be exercised through its people “within the limit prescribed by Him”. Representatives of the people were to exercise power and authority on the “principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice as enunciated by Islam”.’ The state was to enable Muslims to lead, individually and collectively, an Islamic way of life, as set out in the Quran and Sunnah. Afzal, Political Parties in Pakistan, p. 142. For the clauses of the Objectives Resolution, see the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Debates, Vol. V, no. 1 (7 March 1949), pp. 1, 2. The Jama'at-i-Islami rejoiced and declared the passage of the Objectives Resolution as its victory. Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution, pp. 123–124.

⁹³ Dieter Conrad, ‘Conflicting Legitimacies in Pakistan: Study of Objectives Resolution (1949) in the Constitution’ in Mitra, Subrata K. and Rothermund, Dietmar (eds), Legitimacy and Conflict in South Asia (Delhi: Manohar, 1998), p. 127Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Ibid.

⁹⁵ For details on the Talimat-i-Islamia, see Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan, pp. 155–182.

⁹⁶ Afzal, M. Rafique, Pakistan: History and Politics, 1947–1971 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 67Google Scholar.

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⁹⁸ Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 12.

⁹⁹ Chinoti, Mushtaq Ahmad, Tehufuz-i-Khatm-i-Nubuwat key Sad Sala Tarikh (Lahore: International Khtam-i-Nubuwat Movement, Pakistan, 2008), p. 211Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Ibid, pp. 208–209.

¹⁰¹ Jalal, Ayesha, The State of Martial Rule: The Origins of Pakistan's Political Economy of Defence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 152Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Report of the Court of Inquiry, pp. 28–29. Wasaya, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 85.

¹⁰³ The conferences were held in Lyallpur, Maghiana (Jhang), Chiniot, Sialkot, Gujranwala, Gujrat, Jhelum, Shujabad, Burewala, and Multan. See Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 13.

¹⁰⁴ As Shahab was written by Uthmani in 1926. It was subsequently banned by Punjab's governor, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar, in 1951.

¹⁰⁵ Talbot, Ian, Pakistan: A Modern History (London: Hurst and Company, 2009), p. 140Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Alavi, Hamza and Khusro, Amir, Pakistan: The Burden of US Aid (Boston: New England Press, 1962).Google Scholar

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¹¹³ The weekly, Al Aitsam, Gujranwala, 26 June 1953. For the Ahmadi rejoinder, see Shahid, Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyyat, Vol. 13.

¹¹⁴ See footnote 52. This was the statement quoted most often by Ahrar speakers at tabligh conferences. Ismael, Muhammad, Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Ali Jullundri: Swaneh wa Afkar (Multan: Almi Majlis-Tahfuz-i-Khatm-i-Nubuwat, 2009), p. 55Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Wasaya, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 69.

¹¹⁶ Jalal, The State of Martial Rule, p. 152.

¹¹⁷ Shahid, Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyyat, Vol. 15, p. 343, and also see the daily, Afaq, Lahore, 17 August 1952.

¹¹⁸ Report of the Court of Inquiry, pp. 117–125.

¹¹⁹ That speech was published in the Ahmadi paper, Al-Fazl, 13 August 1948. Cited in Maududi, Syed Abu Ala, Qadiani Masla (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1998), pp. 22–23Google Scholar, and Kashmiri, Tarikh-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 89.

¹²⁰ Bashir Ahmed calls it as ‘Zilli Qadian’ which, like Qadian, was a miniature Vatican. See Ahmed, Bashir, The Ahmadiyya Movement: British-Jewish Connection (Rawalpindi: Islamic Study Forum, 1994) p. 276Google Scholar.

¹²¹ For the Ahmadi version of the details about the establishment of Rabwah, see Shahid, Swaneh Fazl-i-Umer, pp. 78–199; and Shahid, Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyyat, Vol. 13, pp. 15–30.

¹²² Ahmed, The Ahmadiyya Movement: British-Jewish Connection, p. 277.

¹²³ Ibid.

¹²⁴ Report of the Court of Inquiry, pp. 24 and 27.

¹²⁵ Ibid, pp. 13–14.

¹²⁶ Kashmiri, Tarikh-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 89.

¹²⁷ Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 75.

¹²⁸ Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan, p. 262.

¹²⁹ For his biographical sketch, see Rahi, Akhter, Tazkira-i-Ulema-i-Punjab, Vol. 2 (Lahore: Maktaba-i-Rehmania, 1998), pp. 580–581Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ Invitations bore the signatures of the following ulema: Lal Hussain Akhter, Ehtasham ul Haq Thanvi (Deobandi), Abdul Hamid Badauni (Barelvi), Mufti Jaffar Hussain Mujtahid (Shia), and Muhammad Yusaf (Ahl-i-Hadith). Wasaya, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 114.

¹³¹ The members of the Board were: Sulaiman Nadvi, Mufti Muhammad Shafi, Abdul Hamid Badayuni, Muhammad Yusuf Calcettavi, Mufti Sahib Dad, Sultan Ahmad, Ahmad Nurani, Lal Hussain Akhter, Hashim Gazdar, Jaffar Hussain Mujtahid, and Ehtasham-ul-Haq, the convenor. Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 78; and Wasaya, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, pp. 114–115.

¹³² The parties to whom invitation was extended were: Jamiatul-Ulema-i-Pakistan, Jamiat-Ulema-i-Islam; Jama’at-i-Islami; Tanzeem-i-Ahl-i-Sunnat-wal-Jama’at; Jamiat-i-Ahl-i-Hadith; Motamar-i-Ahl-i-Hadith, Punjab; Idara-i-Tahaffuz-i-Haquq-i-Shia, Punjab; Safina-tul-Muslimeen; Hizbollah, East Pakistan; Majlis-i-Tahaffuz-i-Khatm-i-Nubuwwat; Majlis-i-Ahrar; Jamiat-ul-Falah; and Jamiat-ul-Arabiyya. Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 78. Allah Wasaya gives names of only nine parties to whom invitations were sent.

¹³³ However, as stated in the Report of the Court of Inquiry, the Convention did not take place before 16 to 18 January 1953. Ibid, p. 78.

¹³⁴ Master Taj ud Din Ansari, Sheikh Hissam ud Din, Abdul Halim Qasmi, Muhammad Tufail, Muhammad Bakhsh Muslim, Ghulam Muhammad Tarannum, Ghulam Din, Daud Ghaznavi, Ata Ullah Haneef, Nasrullah Khan Aziz, Hafiz Kifayat Hussain, Muzzafar Ali Shamsi, Noor-ul-Hasan Bukhari, Sahibzada Faiz ul Hasan, Abul Ghafar Hazarvi, Ala-ud-Din Siddiqi, Akhtar Ali Khan, and Murtaza Ahmad Khan Maikash were the other members. Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 79.

¹³⁵ Abul Hasna’at Muhammad Ahmad Qadri was the prayer leader of Masjid Wazir Khan and an important leader of the Barelwi political party, Jamiatul-Ulema-i-Pakistan, and Hizb un-Ahnaf. Rahi, Tazkira-i-Ulema-i-Punjab, Vol. 2, pp. 75–76.

¹³⁶ The monthly, Laulak, Multan, no. 3, Vol. 36, February 2000, pp. 35–36.

¹³⁷ K. K. Aziz describes the leaders of the movement as ‘made up an odd collection. In terms of party politics they embraced the Muslim League, the Jama’at-i-Islami, and the Ahrars. In terms of professions, they included well-known journalists, editors, ulema of considerable reputation, public men of some ability, political demagogues of fiery tempers, penniless adventurers, and professional trouble-makers.’ Aziz, K. K., Party Politics in Pakistan: 1947–1958 (Islamabad: National Commission on Historical and Cultural Research, 1976), p. 9Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 125.

¹³⁹ Ibid, p. 129.

¹⁴⁰ Present at the meeting were Master Taj ud Din Ansari; Sahibzada Faiz-ul-Hasan; Sultan Ahmad Amir-i-Jama’at-i-Islami, Sind and Karachi; Nur-ul-Hasan Bukhari; Abul Hasna'at Muhammad Ahmad Qadri; Muhammad Abdul Hamid Badauni; Ehtasham-ul-Haq Thanvi; Ata Ullah Shah Bukhari; Muhammad Yusuf Calcuttvi; and Mafar Ali Shamsi. The meeting was presided over by Qadri. Ibid, pp. 136–137.

¹⁴¹ Ibid, p. 137.

¹⁴² Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution, pp. 134–135.

¹⁴³ Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 144.

¹⁴⁴ Ibid, pp. 144–145.

¹⁴⁵ Ibid, p. 151. For a detailed account of the disturbances that occurred in these districts, see pp. 168–184.

¹⁴⁶ Ibid, p. 363. Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi, in his account published in Mahnama La Nabi Ba’adi, relates that the Wazir Khan Mosque had a very strong entrance gate made of iron and, at his behest, electric current was run through it so that law enforcement agencies could not enter the premises of the mosque. For details, see Mahnama La Nabi Ba’adi, Khatm-i-Nubuwat Number, 2002, p. 123.

¹⁴⁷ Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 368.

¹⁴⁸ Mahnama La Nabi Ba’adi, Khatm-i-Nubuwat Number, 2002, p. 121.

¹⁴⁹ Ibid, p. 123.

¹⁵⁰ Interview with Shah Ahmad Noorani by Muhammad Ahmad Tarazi in Mahnama Al Haqeeqat, Tahafuz-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat Number, 2003, p. 378.

¹⁵¹ Wasaya, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 351.

¹⁵² Mahnama La Nabi Ba’adi, Khatm-i-Nubuwat Number, 2002, p. 129. ‘Mawdudi was charged with violating martial-law regulations’ and ‘promoting feelings of enmity and hatred between different groups in Pakistan by publishing the Qaddiyani Mas’alah as well as inflammatory articles in Tasnim’. Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution, p. 137.

¹⁵³ Ahmed, Aziz, ‘Mawdudi and Orthodox Fundamentalism in Pakistan’, Middle East Journal, 21, 3 (Summer 1967), pp. 369–370Google Scholar, cited in Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution, p. 250.

¹⁵⁴ The Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, 10 February 1954.

¹⁵⁵ The Imroz, Lahore, 20 February 1954.

¹⁵⁶ Kennedy, ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State’, p. 87.

¹⁵⁷ Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan, pp. 303–304.

¹⁵⁸ Ibid, p. 301.

¹⁵⁹ Shaikh, Making Sense of Pakistan, p. 60.

¹⁶⁰ Nasr, Vali, Islamic Leviathan: Islam and the Making of State Power (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 146–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Shaikh, Making Sense of Pakistan, p. 60.

¹⁶¹ Kennedy, ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State’, p. 88.

¹⁶² Wasaya, Allah, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat 1974, Part 1 (Multan: Alami Majlis-i-Tahfuz-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, 1993), p. 29Google Scholar.

¹⁶³ Ibid, p. 29.

¹⁶⁴ That school moved to Multan in 1968. See ibid, pp. 169–170.