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The international and the limits of history

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 September 2015

Abstract

This article addresses the relationship between history and the international. Starting from the ‘history controversy’ in IR in the 1980s and 1990s, it shows that that debate hinged on the political import of history as a form of knowledge. This political meaning, to which agency and freedom were central, was challenged through the theorisation in IR of the problematic relationship of the international, as a fragmented political form, to historical time: the spatial inside–outside division was understood as carrying a corresponding temporal and historical division, between progress and repetition. To explain why history carried this political significance, the article explores the connection of historical consciousness to sovereignty and political subjectivity. It shows that history as a distinctively modern form of relation to ‘the past’ is inseparable from the rise of modern sovereign authority and its accompanying political subject and idea of freedom: sovereignty’s reformulation of political space went along with a refashioning of the character of historical time. However, history’s conceptual attachment to sovereignty also ties it to the fragmented form of the international. History thus finds its limits in the international and IR becomes a site for the critique of the relationship between history, political form, and subjectivity.

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Articles
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© 2015 British International Studies Association 

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References

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2 Hobson, John M. and Lawson, George, ‘What is history in International Relations?’, Millennium – Journal of International Studies, 37:2 (2008), p. 417CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Ibid., p. 434.

4 Ibid., p. 417.

5 Ibid., p. 434.

6 ‘Totalitarian’ Richard Ashley once described neorealism as being, and not because it opted for the nomothetic end of the spectrum: Ashley, Richard K., ‘The poverty of neorealism’, in Robert O. Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and its Critics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), p. 290Google Scholar.

7 These absences are equally marked in a subsequent amplification of the argument. See Lawson, George, ‘The eternal divide? History and International Relations’, European Journal of International Relations, 18:2 (2010), pp. 203226CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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11 Adorno, ‘Progress’, p. 144. In a contemporaneous lecture series, Adorno added to these remarks: ‘[W]hat I mean by this global subject of mankind is not simply an all-embracing terrestrial organization, but a human race that possesses genuine control of its own destiny right down to the concrete details, and is thus able to fend off the unseeing blows of nature. On the contrary, the mania for organization, be it for an enlarged League of Nations or for some other global organization of all mankind, might easily fall into the category of things that prevent us from achieving what all men long for, instead of promoting that cause.’ Adorno, Theodor W., History and Freedom: Lectures 1964–5 (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2006), p. 143Google Scholar. Only through a transformation in the nature of humanity’s socio-political existence, not merely its supplementation by international institutions or organisations, could a global subject come into existence.

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14 Ibid., p. 144.

15 The non-progressive quality of the international is thereby revealed as the real substance of progress: ‘No universal history leads from savagery to humanitarianism, but there is one leading from the slingshot to the megaton bomb.’ Adorno, Theodor W., Negative Dialectics (London: Routledge, 1973), p. 320Google Scholar.

16 As argued by both E. H. Carr and John Herz in the attempt to produce a convincing blend of Realism and utopianism. See Carr, E. H., The Twenty Years’ Crisis: an Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London: Routledge, 2001)Google Scholar and Herz, John, Political Realism and Political Idealism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951)Google Scholar.

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19 Ibid.

20 Ibid.

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24 Ibid., p. 66.

25 Ibid.

26 Ibid., p. 66.

27 Such criticisms started, relatively gently, with John Ruggie (see Ruggie, John Gerard, ‘Continuity and transformation in the world polity: Toward a neorealist synthesis’, in Robert O. Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and its Critics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), pp. 131157Google Scholar) and quickly became more strongly worded (see, for example, Hall, Rodney Bruce and Kratochwil, Friedrich V., ‘Medieval tales: Neorealist “science” and the abuse of history’, International Organization, 47:3 (1993), pp. 479491CrossRefGoogle Scholar.) Schroeder’s, Paul interventions were particularly emphatic: Paul Schroeder, ‘Historical reality vs neorealist theory’, International Security, 19:1 (1994), pp. 108148CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Elman, Colin, Elman, Miriam Fendius, Schroeder, and Paul, , ‘History vs neo-realism: A second look’, International Security, 20:1 (1995), pp. 182195CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This line of attack has not yet exhausted itself: see May, Ernest R., Rosecrance, Richard, and Steiner, Zara (eds), History and Neorealism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar for the most recent contribution. The vulnerability of Waltzian Realism on this score arguably reflects the transition from first-generation American Realism, with its roots in a German pre-World War Two intellectual context, to a new generation acculturated to very different intellectual mores. Waltz’s basic premise is a problem from the philosophy of history, but from that he attempted to construct a causal-explanatory, quasi-scientific theory of international behaviour. What is an important problem in the one field is far too insubstantial as a basis for explanation in the other. Hence the theory’s persisting power amidst continual confusion about exactly what and how much it is supposed to be able to explain.

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30 Ibid., p. 209.

31 Ashley, ‘The poverty of neorealism’, p. 289, emphasis in original.

32 Ibid.

33 Ibid., pp. 290–2, emphases in original.

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36 Ibid., p. 37.

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39 Ibid., pp. 6–15.

40 Ibid., p. 12.

41 Representative is John Hobson’s complaint that in ahistorical IR ‘discontinuous ruptures and differences between historical epochs and states systems are smoothed over and consequently obscured’. Hobson, ‘What’s at stake’, p. 9, emphases in original. Many of these critics are of course closely associated with historical sociology in IR.

42 Constantin Fasolt, The Limits of History (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2004), p. 4.

43 Schiffman, Zachary Sayre, The Birth of the Past (Baltimore, MA: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011), p. 2Google Scholar, emphases in original. Priority in time, of itself, ‘does not constitute the past as an intellectual construct’ (p. 71).

44 Ibid., p. 2.

45 Fasolt, Limits of History, p. 6.

46 Schiffman, Birth of the Past, Part One.

47 Wilcox, Donald J., The Measure of Times Past: Pre-Newtonian Chronologies and the Rhetoric of Relative Time (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987)Google Scholar, ch. 3.

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50 Ibid., p. 22. The sense of anachronism would only begin to emerge in the Renaissance.

51 Ibid., p. 18.

52 Ibid.

53 Ibid., p. 21.

54 Ibid., p. 72.

55 Illustrating the contrast between ancient and modern relations to the past, Schiffman notes that ‘this power [of the past in the present in antiquity] is altogether different from the modern one of a revered past, embodied in (say) the Constitution of the United States – yellowed with age and poured over by legal scholars with the aim of determining the “original” intent of the Founding Fathers. Livy felt the weight imposed by his patres—and the obligation it entailed—all the more heavily because they were still very much with him. Though they were dead, they had not departed; they had passed … but not into the past.’ Ibid., p. 74.

56 Ibid., p. 6.

57 Ibid., Parts Two and Three; see also, Wilcox, Measure of Times Past, chs 4, 5, and 6.

58 Schiffman, Birth of the Past, Part Four.

59 Wilcox, Measure of Times Past, ch. 2.

60 Koselleck, Reinhart, Futures Past: on the Semantics of Historical Time (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004)Google Scholar, ch. 14.

61 Ibid., p. 263.

62 Ibid., p. 232.

63 Ibid., p. 236.

64 Ibid., p. 22.

65 Ibid., p. 240.

66 Ibid., p. 242.

67 Hartog, , Regimes of Historicity, p. 105Google Scholar.

68 Hartog, François, ‘The modern régime of historicity in the face of two world wars’, in Chris Lorenz and Berber Bevernage (eds), Breaking up Time: Negotiating the Borders between Present, Past and Future (Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 2013), p. 124CrossRefGoogle Scholar, emphasis added.

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70 Fasolt, , Limits of History, p. xviGoogle Scholar.

71 Ibid., p. xvii.

72 Ibid., emphasis in original.

73 Hartog, , Regimes of Historicity, esp. pp. 1519Google Scholar.

74 Ibid., p. 105.

75 Ibid.

76 Ibid.

77 Koselleck, , Futures Past, p. 22Google Scholar.

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79 Ibid., p. 16.

80 Ibid., p. 18.

81 As Fasolt notes, the unselfconscious ease with which historians have, until recently, applied this division ‘not merely to the history of Europe or to their own profession, but to the history of the entire world, merely confirms the one-sided nature of the victory’ of history over premodernity. Ibid., p. 20. For a powerfully voiced critique of the way in which periodisation through the medieval–modern break in time is founded on the violence of sovereign authority but has nevertheless ultimately been naturalised even by as probing a thinker as Koselleck, see Davis, Kathleen, Periodization and Sovereignty: how Ideas of Feudalism and Secularization Govern the Politics of Time (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a defence of Koselleck on this point, see Jordheim, Helge, ‘Against periodization: Koselleck’s theory of multiple temporalities’, History and Theory, 51 (2012), pp. 151171CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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83 Ibid., p. 19. To be clear: history is not political in the sense of addressing itself to political matters or promoting a partisan cause within the field of politics; it is political in that it underpins the modern form of political being as a whole.

84 Ibid., p. 7.

85 The ‘break’ with the past discussed here cannot be dated punctually, any more than can the coming into being of the sovereign state and the states-system, or the advent of capitalism. The work of early-modern humanists, stressed by Fasolt, can be placed at the beginning of a long process, the importance of Montesquieu’s relational conception, to which Schiffman draws attention, perhaps just after the mid-point, and the French Revolution, central to the accounts of both Koselleck and Hartog, at the end, as the definitive culmination that announced completed rupture.

86 Ibid. The basic principle that a sovereign authority (for instance, the UK parliament) cannot be bound by the actions of its predecessors illustrates how freedom in time is fundamental to sovereignty.

87 Ibid.

88 Osborne, Peter, The Politics of Time: Modernity and Avant-Garde (London: Verso, 1995), p. 15Google Scholar.

89 Fasolt, , Limits of History, p. 7Google Scholar.

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91 Schmitt, Carl, The Nomos of the Earth in the International Law of the Jus Publicum Europaeum (New York: Telos Press, 2003)Google Scholar.

92 Ibid., p. 78.

93 Ibid., p. 75.

94 Ibid., p. 74 (Schmitt here approvingly quotes Jost Trier).

95 Fasolt, , The Limits of History, p. 12Google Scholar.

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98 Ibid., p. 38.

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100 Ibid., p. 13.

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102 Ibid., p. 5.

103 Ibid., p. 6. To these might be added a third, the principle of historical distance, closely bound up with the difference between past and present and with historical perspective. On this subject, see the Special Issue ‘Historical distance: Reflections on a metaphor’, History and Theory, 50:4 (December 2011) and Phillips, Mark Salber, Caine, Barbara, and Adeney Thomas, Julia (eds), Rethinking Historical Distance (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

104 Concerning the recent ‘memory boom’, Lorenz and Bevernage point to the role of historians in carrying out ‘a kind of “border patrol” of the relationship between past and present’, ensuring that, for the sake of freedom in the present, the line not be breached: Lorenz and Bevernage, Breaking up Time, pp. 19–26. As they note, the matter is put precisely by the historian Gabrielle Spiegel: memory ‘cannot perform historically, since it refuses to keep the past in the past, to draw the line, as it were, that is constitutive of the modern enterprise of historiography’. Spiegel, Gabrielle, ‘Memory and history: Liturgical time and historical time’, History and Theory, 41:2 (2002), pp. 149162CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ref. p. 149.

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106 An insistently stated theme of Walker, R. B. J., After the Globe, before the World (London: Routledge, 2010)Google Scholar.

107 Hartog, , Regimes of Historicity, pp. 97204Google Scholar. Hartog suggests that 1989 should be regarded as the end of the modern regime of historicity in that it marks the final vanishing of the mirage of the future that had always captivated modernity. It would probably be more accurate to say that 1989 was a landmark moment in the revealing of the limits of that regime, as no new regime has yet come into existence. A symptomatic reading might suggest that the anger and hostility that neorealism met with in the history controversy was so intense because Waltz reminded the critics of something they did not wish to know – the waning of the modern regime of historicity and its political subject.