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Wandering anatomists and itinerant anthropologists: the antipodean sciences of race in Britain between the wars

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2013

ROSS L. JONES
Affiliation:
Department of History, University of Sydney, SOPHI, Quadrangle A14, Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia. Emails: ross.jones@sydney.edu.au; wanderson@usyd.edu.au.
WARWICK ANDERSON
Affiliation:
Department of History, University of Sydney, SOPHI, Quadrangle A14, Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia. Emails: ross.jones@sydney.edu.au; wanderson@usyd.edu.au.

Abstract

While the British Empire conventionally is recognized as a source of research subjects and objects in anthropology, and a site where anthropological expertise might inform public administration, the settler-colonial affiliations and experiences of many leading physical anthropologists could also directly shape theories of human variation, both physical and cultural. Antipodean anthropologists like Grafton Elliot Smith were pre-adapted to diffusionist models that explained cultural achievement in terms of the migration, contact and mixing of peoples. Trained in comparative methods, these fractious cosmopolitans also favoured a dynamic human biology, often emphasizing the heterogeneity and environmental plasticity of body form and function, and viewing fixed, static racial typologies and hierarchies sceptically. By following leading representatives of empire anatomy and physical anthropology, such as Elliot Smith and Frederic Wood Jones, around the globe, it is possible to recover the colonial entanglements and biases of interwar British anthropology, moving beyond a simple inventory of imperial sources, and crediting human biology and social anthropology not just as colonial sciences but as the sciences of itinerant colonials.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British Society for the History of Science 2013 

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References

1 Frederick Parsons to Frederic Wood Jones, 9 September 1922, General Correspondence, Wood Jones Papers, Royal College of Surgeons Archives, London (subsequently Wood Jones Papers), MS0017/1/12. For Elliot Smith's long-running dominance in the Anatomical Society see Barclay-Smith, Edward, The First Fifty Years of the Anatomical Society of Great Britain & Ireland: A Retrospect, London: John Roberts, 1937, p. 22Google Scholar.

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5 In 1932 Elliot Smith suffered a stroke, which greatly diminished his ability to continue the battle. Also, his most famous convert, W.H.R. Rivers, had died in 1922, and Rivers's students mostly became psychologists, not anthropologists. Therefore diffusionism lacked a strong leader and a fresh batch of British social anthropologists willing to carry on the message in the 1930s. See Kuklick, op. cit. (3), pp. 129–130.

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16 Elliot Smith wrote to the ethnologist Charles Seligman in 1934, ‘I am not surprised by Keith's confusion of Race and Nationality. He has always been confused on this’. Grafton Elliot Smith to Charles G. Seligman, 15 August 1934, Abbie Collection, MS 423/1/20.23.

17 Keith, op. cit. (13), pp. 201, 635.

18 Keith, op. cit. (13), pp. 238, 656.

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24 Rosenberg, Charles E., ‘Charles Benedict Davenport and the beginning of human genetics’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine (1961) 35, pp. 266276Google Scholar; Kevles, Daniel J., In the Name of Eugenics, 2nd edn, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995, pp. 4157Google Scholar; and Barker, David, ‘The biology of stupidity: genetics, eugenics and mental deficiency in the inter-war years’, BJHS (1989) 22, pp. 347375Google Scholar. Smith, Elliot, in The Evolution of Man: Essays, London: Oxford University Press, 1924, p. 116Google Scholar, wrote that ‘the enthusiastic energy of Eugenic Societies has unintentionally had the effect of obscuring the factors of environment and education’.

25 The considerable quantity of specimens circulating through the network was central to their intellectual endeavour. For example, see the correspondence between Grafton Elliot Smith and Robert Broom, Abbie Collection, MS 423/1/4.1–37. When Elliot Smith moved to University College London from Manchester in 1919–1920 he required three large lorries just to transport his private collection of specimens (Grafton Elliot Smith to Karl Pearson, 13 January 1920, Karl Pearson Papers, University College London Library Services, Special Collections and Pearson Papers, London, 856/9).

26 At the time of his death in 1937, twenty of his former demonstrators filled anatomy chairs throughout the empire and the USA. Harris wrote, ‘several other occupants of professorial chairs owe their position largely to the enthusiasm with which Elliot Smith infected them when they were spending … leave at University College’. Harris, op. cit. (22), p. 177; Barclay-Smith, op. cit. (1), p. 22; and Elkin and Macintosh, op. cit. (4).

27 Elliot Smith came to the BAAS conference in Australia in 1914 and travelled on numerous occasions including to Java, China, Spain, and the USA. H.D. Macintosh, ‘Welcome’, in Black and Macintosh, op. cit. (4), pp. 3–7. His trip to China was at the request of his Canadian protégé Davidson Black, who arranged for him to advertise the discovery of Peking Man. Davidson Black to Arthur Keith, 27 December 1930, Wood Jones Papers, MS0017/1/2/8.

28 Pear, T.H., ‘Some early relations between English ethnologists and psychologists’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (1960) 90, pp. 227237Google Scholar, 228.

29 Warren R. Dawson, ‘A General Biography’, in Dawson, op. cit. (22), pp. 17–110, 66; and A.P. Elkin, ‘Sir Grafton Elliot Smith: the man and his work: a personal testimony’, in Elkin and Macintosh, op. cit. (4), pp. 8–15, 9.

30 Grafton Elliot Smith to William Perry, 27 June 1916, Abbie Collection, MS 423/1/17.87.

31 Bronislaw Malinowski to Elsie Malinowski, 18 June 1920, Malinowski Papers, London School of Economics Archives, London, correspondence 34/12. The social anthropologist Edmund Leach wrote in 1973 that what Elliot Smith ‘taught us as regards ethnology was absolute rubbish’, yet he ‘nevertheless he had great enthusiasm which generated a great deal of research. I would say the same of Malinowski and Radcliffe Brown … In exactly the same way nearly everything they thought was false, but nevertheless they were very great men’. Edmund Leach, ‘Discussion’, in Solly Zuckerman, op. cit. (19), pp. 432–443, 436. For the controversy see Elliot Smith, Grafton, Malinowski, Bronislaw et al. , Culture: The Diffusionist Controversy, New York: Norton, 1927Google Scholar; Wallis, Wilson D., ‘Anthropology in England early in the present century’, American Anthropologist (1957) 59, pp. 781790Google Scholar, 783; and Kuklick, op. cit. (3), pp. 125–132.

32 Elliot Smith, op. cit. (14), p. 252. For his critique of Edward Tylor see Smith, Grafton Elliot, The Diffusion of Culture, Washington: Kennikat Press, 1971 (first published 1933), pp. 116183Google Scholar.

33 First propounded in Keith, Arthur, ‘Presidential address: On certain factors concerned in the evolution of human races’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (1916) 46, pp. 1034Google Scholar. See also Keith, Nationality and Race from an Anthropologist's Point of View, Being the Robert Boyle Lecture Delivered before the Oxford Junior Scientific Club on November 17, 1919, London: Oxford University Press, 1919; and Keith, op. cit. (13) pp. 389–408.

34 Elliot Smith, op. cit. (14), p. 497.

35 Elliot Smith, op. cit. (14), p. 171. Earlier he wrote, ‘It is very questionable whether any pure strains of mankind exist at the present time’. Elliot Smith, op. cit. (24), p. 50.

36 Elliot Smith, op. cit. (14), p. 11.

37 Myres, John L., ‘International Congress’, Man (1934) 34, p. 81Google Scholar. It was formed as a split from the International Congress of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology. See Myres, , ‘An International Congress for Anthropology and Ethnology’, Man (1932) 32, pp. 1012Google Scholar; Man (June 1934) 34, pp. 81–82; and ‘News’, Nature (1932) 129, p. 646.

38 Elliot Smith, Grafton, ‘Chairman's address’, Congrès international des sciences anthropologiques et ethnologiques, compte-rendu de la première session, Londres, 1934, London: Institut royal d'anthropologie, 1934, p. 65Google Scholar.

39 Elliot Smith, op. cit. (38), p. 67.

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41 Elliot Smith, op. cit. (38), p. 67.

42 Elliot Smith, op. cit. (38), p. 67.

43 While an early opponent of scientific racism, Elliot Smith's death in 1937 meant he did not contribute to the movement away from racial typologies and hierarchies after the Second World War. See Barkan, op. cit. (10); and Reardon, Jenny, Race to the Finish: Identity and Governance in an Age of Genomics, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004Google Scholar.

44 Grafton Elliot Smith to Robert Broom, 9 January 1913, Abbie Collection, MS 423/1/4.29. At the time, Wood Jones was teaching anatomy in London.

45 Frederic Wood Jones, ‘In Egypt and Nubia’, in Dawson, op. cit. (22), pp. 139–148. Wood Jones spent 1927–1929 in Hawaii, but he never settled into US academic life. After his Melbourne stint (1930–1937), he became professor of anatomy at Manchester (1938–1945), then conservator of the Hunterian Museum at the Royal College of Surgeons in London.

46 Clark, op. cit. (13), p. 128.

47 Frederic Wood Jones to Arthur Keith, 13 June 1921, Correspondence between Sir Arthur Keith and Frederic Wood Jones, 1905–1951, Wood Jones Papers, MS0018/1/37 (all this correspondence is in a bound volume). Wood Jones complained to Keith when marsupial material he had sent to Elliot Smith and J.P. Hill, the Australian physiologist at University College, was not acknowledged. Frederic Wood Jones to Arthur Keith, 3 January 1929, Wood Jones Papers, MS0018/1/37.

48 Grafton Elliot Smith to Frederic Wood Jones, 12 December 1923, Wood Jones Papers, General Correspondence, MS0017/1/14/4/1–6.

49 Frederic Wood Jones to Mrs Celia Keith, 28 May 1905, Correspondence between Sir Arthur Keith and Frederic Wood Jones, 1905–1951, Wood Jones Papers, MS0018/1/37.

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63 Grafton Elliot Smith to Donald Alexander McKenzie (1873–1936, Scottish journalist and prolific writer on anthropology), 16 February 1930, Abbie Collection, MS 423/1/15.11. The book received critical reviews in America ‘but was sold out in 3 weeks’.

64 He provided considerable advice and encouragement to the popular Scottish writer on anthropology and folklore Donald Mackenzie, whose books championed Elliot Smith's diffusionism. In the interwar years the Scottish writer and leading intellectual of the left James Leslie Mitchell (who wrote under the pen name Lewis Grassic Gibbon) believed that Elliot Smith was one of the most prominent figures in modern thought. He published a pen portrait of Smith in the popular journal of the cooperative movement, The Millgate, in June 1932. Alongside Smith was John Maynard Keynes and, in the same series later in the year, Joseph Stalin. See Mitchell, James Leslie, ‘Grafton Elliot Smith: anthropologist, historian, humanist’, The Millgate (1931) 26, pp. 579582Google Scholar; and Burley, Alice, ‘A note on the publication of James Leslie Mitchell's “Grafton Elliot Smith: A Student of Mankind”’, Notes and Queries (March 2008), pp. 4648Google Scholar.

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66 An early criticism of the historiography of British social anthropology by one of its distinguished players can be found in Leach, Edmund, ‘Glimpses of the unmentionable in the history of British social anthropology’, Annual Review of Anthropology (1984) 13, pp. 123Google Scholar.

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