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² Ibid., 103.

³ Ibid., 106.

⁴ Ibid., 116, 122, and 103.

⁵ Studies of the Devil and demonology in early modern Europe, outside of the context of witchcraft, include Clark, Stuart, Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe (Oxford, 1997)Google Scholar; Pearl, Jonathan, The Crime of Crimes: Demonology and Politics in France, 1560–1620 (Waterloo, Ontario, 1999)Google Scholar; Cervantes, Fernando, The Devil in the New World: The Impact of Diabolism in New Spain (New Haven, CT, 1994)Google Scholar; Russell, Jeffrey B., Lucifer: The Devil in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY, 1984)Google Scholar; Russell, Jeffrey B., Mephistopheles: The Devil in the Modern World (Ithaca, NY, 1986)Google Scholar.

⁶ Previous studies of the Devil in Scotland have focused almost exclusively on witchcraft. See, for example, Miller, Joyce, “Men in Black: Appearances of the Devil in Early Modern Scottish Witchcraft Discourse,” in Witchcraft and Belief in Early Modern Scotland, ed. Goodare, Julian, Martin, Lauren, and Miller, Joyce (Basingstoke, 2008), 144–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Edward Cowen, “Witch Persecution and Popular Belief in Lowland Scotland: The Devil's Decade,” in Witchcraft and Belief, ed. Goodare, Martin, and Miller, 71–94; Martin, Laura, “The Devil and the Domestic: Witchcraft, Quarrels and Women's Work in Scotland,” in The Scottish Witch-Hunt in Context, ed. Goodare, Julian (Manchester, 2002), 73–89Google Scholar; and Stuart MacDonald, “In Search of the Devil in Fife,” ed. Goodare, 33–50. For a recent survey of Scottish witch-hunting, see Levack, Brian, Witch-Hunting in Scotland: Law, Politics and Religion (New York, 2008)Google Scholar.

⁷ Johnstone, Nathan, The Devil and Demonism in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Johnstone, Nathan, “The Protestant Devil: The Experience of Temptation in Early Modern England,” Journal of British Studies 43, no. 2 (2004): 173–205CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Luttmer, Frank, “Prosecutors, Tempters and Vassals of the Devil: The Unregenerate in Puritan Practical Divinity,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 1 (2000): 37–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Oldridge, Darren, The Devil in Early Modern England (Sutton, 2000)Google Scholar. There is now a revised edition of Oldridge's book, The Devil in Tudor and Stuart England (Stroud, 2010)Google Scholar.

⁸ Pocock, J. G. A., “British History: A Plea for a New Subject,” Journal of Modern History 47, no. 4 (1975): 601–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A few recent examples of this inclusive British approach are Ryrie, Alec, Being Protestant in Reformation Britain (Oxford, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walsham, Alexandra, The Reformation of the Landscape: Religion, Identity and Memory in Early Modern Britain and Ireland (Oxford, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Houston, Rab, Punishing the Dead: Suicide, Lordship, and Community in Britain, 1500–1800 (Oxford, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kellar, Claire, Scotland, England, and the Reformation, 1534–1561 (Oxford, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁹ For a discussion of the nature of the Scottish Reformation from an international perspective, see Benedict, Philip, Christ's Church Purely Reformed: A Social History of Calvinism (New Haven, CT, 2002), 152–72Google Scholar; Lynch, Michael, “Calvinism in Scotland, 1559–1638,” in International Calvinism, 1541–1715, ed. Preswich, Menna (Oxford, 1985), 225–56Google Scholar; and Graham, Michael, “The Civil Sword and the Scottish Kirk, 1560–1600,” in Later Calvinism: International Perspectives, ed. Graham, W. Fred (Kirksville, MO, 1994), 237–66Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For a study of the immediate course of the Reformation, see Dawson, Jane, Scotland Re-formed, 1488–1587 (Edinburgh, 2007)Google Scholar. For a ground-breaking study of the influence of the Reformation on ordinary Scots, see Todd, Margo, The Culture of Protestantism in Early Modern Scotland (New Haven, CT, 2002)Google Scholar. A good local study of the aftermath Reformation and the complexity of Protestant success in Scotland is McCallum, John, Reforming the Scottish Parish: The Reformation in Fife, 1560–1640 (Aldershot, 2010)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Raffe, Alasdair, The Culture of Controversy: Religious Arguments in Scotland, 1660–1714 (Woodbridge, 2012)Google Scholar. On political and religious debates in Restoration Scotland more broadly, see Jackson, Clare, Restoration Scotland, 1660–1690: Royalist Politics, Religion, and Ideas (Woodbridge, 2003)Google Scholar.

¹² On the potential spiritual benefits of despair, see Ryrie, Being Protestant, chapter 2.

¹³ Louise Yeoman, “Heart-Work: Emotion, Empowerment and Authority in Covenanting Times” (Ph.D. diss., University of St. Andrews, 1991), 11.

¹⁴ For a thorough analysis of the genre of self-writing in Scotland, see David Mullan, Narratives of the Religious Self in Early-Modern Scotland (London, 2010)Google Scholar. On literacy in Scotland, see Houston, Rab, “The Literacy Myth? Illiteracy in Scotland, 1630–1760,” Past and Present 96, no. 1 (1982): 81–102 (89–91)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ On suicide in Scotland, see Houston, Punishing the Dead, especially 292–312. For other works on the relationship between suicide and Reformed Protestantism, see From Sin to Insanity: Suicide in Early Modern Europe, ed. Watt, Jeffery (Ithaca, NY, 2004)Google Scholar; and MacDonald, Michael and Murphy, Terence, Sleepless Souls: Suicide in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1991)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ For a discussion of both shared theological foundations as well as schisms within Reformed Protestantism in Britain and on the Continent, see, for example, Muller, Richard, “John Calvin and Later Calvinism,” in The Cambridge Companion to Reformation Theology, ed. Bagchi, David V. N. and Steinmetz, David Curtis (Cambridge, 2004), 130–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Benedict, Christ's Church , 293–423; and Drawn into Controversie: Reformed Theological Diversity and Debates within Seventeenth-Century British Puritanism, ed. Michael Haykin and Mark Jones (Göttingen, 2011)Google Scholar.

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¹⁸ The choice of the label “Reformed Protestant” over “Calvinist” reflects both historical accuracy and historiographical consensus. See Benedict, Philip, Christ's Church Purely Reformed: A Social History of Calvinism (New Haven, CT, 2002)Google Scholar, especially xxii–xxiii.

¹⁹ On religious terminology in early modern Scotland and England, see Coffey, John, “The Problem of ‘Scottish Puritanism,’ 1590–1638,” in Enforcing Reformation in Ireland and Scotland, 1550–1700, ed. Boran, Elizabeth and Gribben, Crawford (Aldershot, 2006), 66–90Google Scholar; and Marshall, Peter, “The Naming of Protestant England,” Past and Present 214, no. 1 (2012): 87–128CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁰ Johnstone, “The Protestant Devil,” 177.

²¹ On appearances of Satan in cases of witchcraft, see Miller, “Men in Black.”

²² See, for example, Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge, Puritan Conquistadors: Iberianizing the Atlantic, 1550–1700 (Stanford, 2006)Google Scholar; Clark, Thinking with Demons, especially 526–45; Clark, Stuart, “Protestant Demonology: Sin, Superstition and Society,” in Early Modern European Witchcraft: Centres and Peripheries, ed. Ankarloo, Bengt and Henningsen, Gustav (Oxford, 1990), 45–82Google Scholar.

²³ For further discussion of religious and political debates in post-Reformation Scotland, especially prior to the Restoration in 1660, see especially the works of Mullan, David G.: “Theology in the Church of Scotland, 1618–1640: A Calvinist Consensus?,” Sixteenth Century Journal 26, no. 3 (1995): 595–617CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Episcopacy in Scotland: the History of an Idea, 1560–1638 (Edinburgh, 1986)Google Scholar; Scottish Puritanism, 1590–1638 (Oxford, 2000)Google Scholar. For an examination of the dissolution of theological consensus after 1660, see Raffe, The Culture of Controversy.

²⁴ On apocalyptic thought in post-Reformation Britain, see Coffey, John, “The Impact of Apocalypticism during the Puritan Revolutions,” Perichoresis 4, no. 2 (2006): 117–47Google Scholar; Firth, Katharine R., The Apocalyptic Tradition in Reformation Britain, 1530–1645 (Oxford, 1979)Google Scholar; Williamson, Arthur, Scottish National Consciousness in the Age of James VI: The Apocalypse, the Union, and the Shaping of Scotland's Public Culture (Edinburgh, 1979)Google Scholar.

²⁵ See Williamson, Scottish National Consciousness, especially 48–63.

²⁶ Muller, Richard, After Calvin: Studies in the Development of a Theological Tradition (Oxford, 2003), 12CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a further discussion of the development of predestination theology and the Reformation, see Muller, , Christ and the Decree: Christology and Predestination in Reformed Theology from Calvin to Perkins (Grand Rapids, MI, 1988), 79–96Google Scholar.

²⁷ Johnstone, Devil and Demonism, 3. Alec Ryrie also discusses the importance of combating the Devil through prayer as an essential component of this godly path. Ryrie, Being Protestant, 243–47.

²⁸ Scholars have long recognized the psychological consequences of emphasis on the doctrine of predestination. John Stachniewski has argued that Puritanism's uncompromising focus on predestination and damnation isolated its less confident adherents because they worried that their experience of despair would be interpreted by the godly as a sign of reprobation. See Stachniewski, , The Persecutory Imagination: English Puritanism and the Literature of Religious Despair (Oxford, 1991), 17–61Google Scholar. This portrayal of predestination has been recently and persuasively critiqued by Leif Dixon, who argues that the doctrine, at least in its presentation, was intended to provide comfort to parishioners. See Dixon, Leif, Practical Predestinarians in England, 1590–1640 (London, 2014)Google Scholar.

²⁹ Yeoman, “Heart-Work,” especially 7–11.

³⁰ On this point, see Broedel, Hans Peter, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft (Manchester, 2003), 47Google Scholar. In particular, Augustine's Confessions (written AD 397–398) provided the model for examining and recording the sins of one's past in a systematic way.

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³² Downame, John, The Christian Warfare (London, 1634), 1041Google Scholar.

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³⁴ Thomas Locke, “To the parents of the children of Eastwood,” ca. 1706, National Library of Scotland (hereafter NLS) Wod. Qu. LXXXII, fol. 159.

³⁵ On the tradition of Puritan self-examination, see Todd, Margo, Christian Humanism and the Puritan Social Order (Cambridge, 1987), 30–31 and 192–95Google Scholar.

³⁶ Watkins, Owen C. lists 220 titles of English autobiographical works up to 1725 in his bibliography to The Puritan Experience: Studies in Spiritual Autobiography (New York, 1972)Google Scholar.

³⁷ Mullan, Narratives of the Religious Self, lx.

³⁸ Benedict, Christ's Church , 521–22. On the practice of covenanting in Scotland, see Protestant Piety in Early Modern Scotland: Letters, Lives and Covenants, 1650–1712, ed. David Mullan (Edinburgh, 2008)Google Scholar, and Mullan, Narratives of the Religious Self.

³⁹ Perkins, William, A Case of Conscience, the greatest that euer was; how a man may know whether he be the child of God or no (London, 1592)Google Scholar.

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⁴¹ Bayly, Lewis, Practice of Piety, Directing the Christian how to walk that he may please God (London, 1611)Google Scholar.

⁴² According to Early English Books Online, Practice of Piety was printed in Edinburgh twice in 1630 and in 1636, 1642, 1649, and 1667, long after Bayly's death in 1631.

⁴³ Bayly, Practice of Piety, 1.

⁴⁴ Ibid., 64–65.

⁴⁵ The clerical emphasis on self-surveillance and inner piety in seventeenth-century Scotland has been explored by Louise Yeoman in her excellent Ph.D. thesis. See Yeoman, “Heart-Work.” On preaching in the Reformed Protestant tradition more broadly, see Ford, James Thomas, “Preaching in the Reformed Tradition,” in Preachers and People in the Reformations and Early Modern Europe, ed. Taylor, Larissa (Leiden, 2001): 65–88Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Seventeenth-century sermons, ca. 1655, National Archives of Scotland (hereafter NAS), MS 5769, 133.

⁴⁷ Gray, Andrew, Directions and instigations to the duty of prayer how, and why the heart is to be kept with diligence (Edinburgh, 1669), fol. 113Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Welch, John, Forty-Eight Select Sermons (Edinburgh, 1744), 66Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ James, VI and , I, The fathers blessing, or, counsaile to his sonne (London, 1624), 30Google Scholar. Originally published in 1616. Though James VI and I is cited as the author, it should be noted that The fathers blessing was an anonymously written adaptation of Basilikon doron, 1599.

⁵⁰ Bruce, Robert, Sermons, ed. Cunningham, William (Edinburgh, 1843), 389Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Henderson, Alexander, Sermons, Prayers and Pulpit Addresses of Alexander Henderson, ed. Martin, Thomas R. (Edinburgh, 1867), 215Google Scholar.

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⁵³ Luttmer, “Prosecutors, Tempters and Vassals of the Devil,” 39.

⁵⁴ Cotton, John, An exposition upon the thirteenth chapter of the Revelation (London, 1656)Google Scholar. Delivered around 1639.

⁵⁵ Religious diary, 1679–1692, NAS, Ch12/20/9, fols. 5–6.

⁵⁶ Bruce, Sermons, 23–24.

⁵⁷ Hume, Alexander, Ane treatise of conscience Quhairin divers secreits concerning that subiect, are discovered, as may appeare, in the table following (Edinburgh, 1594), 57Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Gray, Directions and instigations, 106.

⁵⁹ Rutherford, Samuel, “Sermon V,” The Trial and Triumph of Faith (Edinburgh, 1645), 43Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Durham, James, The great corruption of subtile self, discovered, and driven from it's lurking-places and starting-holes (Edinburgh, 1686)Google Scholar. This was probably delivered mid-century in Glasgow, where Durham was minister.

⁶¹ Welch, Forty-Eight Select Sermons, 144.

⁶² Gray, Directions and instigations, 95.

⁶³ Goodwin, Thomas, Childe of Light Walking in Darknes, or, a Treatise Shewing the Causes, by which the Cases, wherein the Ends, for which God Leaves his Children to Distresse of Conscience (London, 1636), 193Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ On the tradition of the demonization of external enemies, especially in the medieval period, see, for example, Moore, R. I., The Formation of a Persecuting Society (New York, 1987), 64–65, 89–91Google Scholar; Cohn, Norman, Europe's Inner Demons: The Demonization of Christians in Medieval Christendom, rev. ed. (Chicago, 2001), 16–59Google Scholar; Pagels, Elaine, The Origin of Satan (London, 1996), xviiGoogle Scholar. On the oppositional language of Satan, see Clark, Thinking with Demons .

⁶⁵ On this point, see Levack, Brian P., The Devil Within: Possession and Exorcism in the Christian West (New Haven, CT, 2013), 19Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Levack, Witch-Hunting in Scotland, 115–30; Levack, Brian P., “Demonic Possession in Early Modern Scotland,” in Goodare, Martin, and Miller, Witchcraft and Belief, 166–84Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Mullan, Narratives of the Religious Self, 8.

⁶⁸ Rutherford, Mistress, “Mistress Rutherford's Conversion Narrative,” in Miscellany of the Scottish History Society, vol. 13, ed. Mullan, David (Edinburgh, 2004), 146–88Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Ibid., 153. R. A Houston discusses the suicidal thoughts of Mistress Rutherford in Punishing the Dead?, 309–10.

⁷⁰ Some sins frequently considered eternal include the deliberate rejection of the mercy of God and ascribing the work of the Holy Spirit to the Devil. The basis for belief in eternal sins comes from Matthew 12:30–32. The sin against the Holy Spirit, which Calvin, Beza, James VI, and many other theologians addressed, was the one sure sign that an individual was reprobate. On this point, see, for example, Calvin, John, A harmonie vpon the three Euangelists, Matthew, Mark and Luke (London, 1584)Google Scholar, and Beza, Theodore, Propositions and Principles of Divinity (Edinburgh, 1591)Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Rutherford, “Conversion Narrative,” 166.

⁷² John Stevenson, “A Rare Soul-Strengthening and Comforting Cordial for Old and Young Christians: Being the last advice of John Stevenson, in the shire of Ayr, to his children and grandchildren,” in Select Biographies, ed. Tweedie, 2:427.

⁷³ Blackadder, Elizabeth, “A Short Account of the Lord's Way of Providence towards me in my Pilgrimage Journeys,” in Women's Life Writing in Early Modern Scotland: Writing the Evangelical Self, c. 1670-c. 1730, ed. Mullan, David (Aldershot, 2003), 387Google Scholar. Blackadder would have been six years old around 1665.

⁷⁴ Diary of John Forbes of Corse, 1624–47, NAS, CH12/18/6, fol. 238.

⁷⁵ Stevenson, “A Rare Soul-Strengthening and Comforting Cordial,” 2:417.

⁷⁶ Katharine Collace, “Memoirs or Spiritual Exercises of Mistress Ros,” in Mullan, Women's Life Writing, 39–40. This entry was composed in the late seventeenth century, but a specific date is not given.

⁷⁷ Confession of James Gordon, NAS, GD248/616/9, fol. 1

⁷⁸ Seventeenth century sermons, NLS, MS 5770, fol. 3.

⁷⁹ Ibid.

⁸⁰ See Houston, Punishing the Dead , especially 292–312.

⁸¹ Johnstone, The Devil and Demonism, chapter 4; and Oldridge, The Devil in Early Modern England, chapter 3. On the genre of autobiography in Puritan England, see Watkins, The Puritan Experience; Matthews, William, “Seventeenth- Century Autobiography,” in Autobiography, Biography, and the Novel, ed. Matthews, William and Rader, Ralph W. (Los Angeles, 1973)Google Scholar; Botonaki, Effie, “Seventeenth-Century English Women's Spiritual Diaries: Self-Examination, Covenanting and Account-Keeping,” Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 1 (1999): 3–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Seaver, Paul, Wallington's World: A Puritan Artisan in Seventeenth-Century London (Stanford, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁸² Bunyan, John, Grace abounding to the chief of sinners, or, A brief and faithful relation of the exceeding mercy of God in Christ (London, 1666)Google Scholar.

⁸³ Ibid., paragraph 6.

⁸⁴ Ibid., paragraph 139.

⁸⁵ Ibid., paragraph 164.

⁸⁶ Norwood, Richard, The Journal of Richard Norwood Surveyor of Bermuda, ed. Craven, W. F. and Hayward, W. B. (New York, 1945)Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Ibid., 93.

⁸⁸ Ibid., 95.

⁸⁹ Ibid., 101. On perceptions of the Devil in cases of religious melancholy in Calvinist England more broadly, see Schmidt, Jeremy, Melancholy and Care of the Soul: Religion, Moral Philosophy and Madness in Early Modern England (Aldershot, 2007), 64–77Google Scholar. See also Johnstone, The Devil and Demonism, especially chapter 4.

⁹⁰ Cited by Oldridge, The Devil in Early Modern England, 41–43.

⁹¹ See, for example, Diary of Sir George Maxwell of Pollock, 1655–66, NLS, MS. 3150, fol. 28; Mistress Rutherford, “Conversion narrative,” 153; Blackadder, “A short account,” 387. One exception is the colorful account of the Devil and hell found in Religious diary, 1679–1692, NAS, Ch12/20/9, fol.15.

⁹² On printing in Scotland, see Mann, Alastair J., “The Anatomy of the Printed Book in Early Modern Scotland,” Scottish Historical Review 80, no. 2 (2001): 181–200CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a discussion of the proliferation of broadsides in early modern England, see Tessa Watt's foundational Work, Cheap Print and Popular Piety in England (Cambridge, 1993)Google Scholar.

⁹³ Oldridge, The Devil in Early Modern England, 145–47.

⁹⁴ Descriptions of the Devil in cases of Scottish witchcraft were also surprisingly terse or quotidian, and very rarely monstrous or grotesque as in elsewhere in Europe. On this point, see Miller, “Men in Black.”

⁹⁵ Part of the diary of Sir John Chiesly, 1667, NLS, Wod. Oct. XXXI, fol. 41rv.

⁹⁶ Ibid.

⁹⁷ Oldridge, The Devil in Early Modern England, 47.

⁹⁸ “An account of the exercise of a Christian,” 1698, NLS, Wod. Qu. XXVIII, fols. 94r–97v.

⁹⁹ Johnstone, The Devil and Demonism, 129.

¹⁰⁰ See, for example, Marion Veitch, “An account of the Lord's gracious dealing with me and of his remarkable hearing and answering my supplications,” ca. 1670–1680s, NLS, Adv. MS. 34.6.22, fol. 20; Part of an unnamed Scottish woman's spiritual diary, 1633, NAS, GD237/21/64, fol. 9.; Diary of John Forbes of Corse (1593–1648), 1624–47, NAS, CH12/18/6, fol. 114; Nimmo, James, The Narrative of Mr. James Nimmo: Written for his own Satisfaction to Keep in some remembrance the lords way dealing and kindness towards him, 1654–1709, ed. Moncrieff, W. G. Scott (Edinburgh, 1889)Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ On the comforting dimensions and intent of the doctrine of predestination, see Dixon, Practical Predestinarians in England.

¹⁰² John Welwood, “Letters, 1675–77,” in Protestant Piety, 85.

¹⁰³ This point is also made about English Protestants in Schmidt, Melancholy and Care of the Soul, 54.

¹⁰⁴ Johnstone, The Devil and Demonism, 108.

¹⁰⁵ Schmidt, Melancholy and Care of the Soul, 541.

¹⁰⁶ Ryrie, Being Protestant, 247.

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¹¹⁰ See, for example, Tipson, Baird, “The Routinized Piety of Thomas Shepard's Diary,” Early American Literature 13, no 1 (1978): 65Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Mullan, David, “A Hotter Sort of Protestantism? Comparisons between French and Scottish Calvinisms,” Sixteenth Century Journal 39, no 1 (2008): 45–69, at 45Google Scholar.

¹¹² Ibid.

¹¹³ Jonathan L. Pearl has explored the political, but not experiential, dimensions of demonology in France. See Pearl, The Crime of Crimes: Politics and Demonology in France.

¹¹⁴ This argument has long been the subject of historical debates, which have been recently summarized in Alexandra Walsham's excellent historiographical essay, “The Reformation and ‘The Disenchantment of the World’ Reassessed,” Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (2008): 497–528Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Stevenson, More New Arabian Nights, 321.