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HEGEL AND THE REVOLUTIONS REVISITED

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 September 2014

TERENCE RENAUD*
Affiliation:
Department of History, University of California, Berkeley E-mail: renaud.t@berkeley.edu

Extract

In the preface to his book on Hegel, Charles Taylor recognized two ways that every Hegel commentator can go wrong: “Either one can end up being terribly clear and sounding very reasonable at the cost of distorting, even bowdlerizing Hegel. Or one can remain faithful but impenetrable, so that in the end readers will turn with relief to the text in order to understand the commentary.” While it is hard to imagine ever turning to the Phenomenology with relief, Taylor's cautionary remark draws attention to the indirect relationship between the form and content of Hegel critique: either one attains formal clarity at the expense of material complexity or material complexity at the expense of clarity. The task of the critic, according to Taylor, is to find a balance between these two extremes. The various “Hegel revivals” of the past century, like that of Lukács and the Marxist humanists in the interwar years or Kojève and the existentialists in postwar France, have all struggled to find this balance. The latest Hegel revival is no exception, but both Rebecca Comay's Mourning Sickness: Hegel and the French Revolution and Susan Buck-Morss's Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History remind us that insight also comes from the extremes.

Type
Review Essays
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2014 

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References

1 Taylor, Charles, Hegel (Cambridge and New York, 1975), viiCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Comay, Rebecca, Mourning Sickness: Hegel and the French Revolution (Stanford, CA, 2011), 5Google Scholar.

3 Ibid., 7.

4 Ibid., 67. Mills, Jonexplores the connections between Hegel's philosophy and psychoanalysis in The Unconscious Abyss: Hegel's Anticipation of Psychoanalysis (Albany, NY, 2002)Google Scholar.

5 Comay, Mourning Sickness, 65.

6 Hegel, G.W.F., Phenomenology of Spirit, trans. Miller, A.V. (Oxford, 1977), 332–4Google Scholar (§547). Although he acknowledged that Robespierre's cult of the supreme being functioned as a replacement religion, Hegel dismissed it as empty formalism, i.e. worship of a God without content.

7 On the ambiguous politics of the German Romantics see Beiser, Frederick C., Enlightenment, Revolution, and Romanticism: The Genesis of Modern German Political Thought, 1790–1800 (Cambridge, MA, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Hegel's relation to German Romanticism see Toews, John E., Hegelianism: The Path toward Dialectical Humanism, 1805–1841 (Cambridge and New York, 1980), 3067Google Scholar.

8 Hegel, Phenomenology, 349 (§573).

9 She may also be alluding to Marie-Hélène Huet's book on the cultural and political post-history of the Terror, Mourning Glory: The Will of the French Revolution (Philadelphia, 1997).

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13 Hegel, Phenomenology, 407 (§669).

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17 Marcuse, Reason and Revolution, 169. Marcuse did also acknowledge the critical and progressive aspects of Hegel's thought, which according to him were consummated by Marx.

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19 Ritter, Joachim, Hegel and the French Revolution: Essays on the Philosophy of Right, trans. Winfield, R. D. (Cambridge, MA and London, 1982)Google Scholar. In a similar line of reasoning, Steven B. Smith presented Hegel's theory of the modern state as the consequence of his critique of Revolutionary republicanism. Smith, Steven B., “Hegel and the French Revolution: An Epitaph for Republicanism,” in Fehér, Ferenc, ed., The French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity (Berkeley, 1990), 219–39Google Scholar, and Smith, Hegel's Critique of Liberalism: Rights in Context (Chicago, 1989). For what is still the best analysis of Hegel's political theory see Avineri, Shlomo, Hegel's Theory of the Modern State (London, 1972)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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21 Comay, Mourning Sickness, 26 ff. For an excellent narrative of the king's flight, arrest, trial, and execution see Tackett, Timothy, When the King Took Flight (Cambridge, MA, 2003)Google Scholar.

22 According to Comay, abstract individualism manifested itself for Hegel in three ways: revolutionary decisionism, social contractarianism, and free-market liberalism (68–9). This broad definition of abstract individualism was why he could dismiss Rousseau's distinction between the will of all (volonté de tous) and the general will (volonté générale). Both were fundamentally the same to him insofar as both were abstractions of individual will (69). Comay notes that Hegel might have willfully distorted Rousseau's distinction in order to fit his argument. For a different interpretation of Hegel's debt to Rousseau see Neuhouser, Frederick, Foundations of Hegel's Social Theory: Actualizing Freedom (Cambridge, MA, 2000)Google Scholar.

23 Hegel, Phenomenology, 360 (§590). On the provenance of this peculiar phrase see James Schmidt, “Cabbage Heads and Gulps of Water: Hegel on the Terror,” Political Theory, 26/2 (Feb. 1998), 2–32.

24 For more on this theme see essay, Comay'sHegel's Last Words: Mourning and Melancholia at the End of the Phenomenology,” in Swiffen, A. and Nichols, J., eds., The Ends of History: Questioning the Stakes of Historical Reason (Abingdon, 2013), 141–60Google Scholar.

25 Comay, Mourning Sickness, 128.

26 Ibid., 4.

27 Ibid., 96.

28 For a balanced treatment of the promise and pitfalls of using a synoptic language of clarity versus an exaggerative “deconstructionist” style see Jay, Martin, “Two Cheers for Paraphrase: The Confessions of a Synoptic Intellectual Historian,” in Jay, Fin de Siècle Socialism and Other Essays (London; New York, 1988), 5263Google Scholar.

29 Comay, Mourning Sickness, 128.

30 Ibid., 4, original emphasis.

31 Ibid., 5. In this regard, Comay would agree with Gadamer's hermeneutical idea of the “fusion of horizons.” See Gadamer, Hans-Georg, Truth and Method, trans. Weinsheimer, J. and Marshall, D. G. (London and New York, 2004)Google Scholar.

32 Comay, Mourning Sickness, 86.

33 See Lefort, Claude, Democracy and Political Theory (Minneapolis, 1988)Google Scholar.

34 Comay, Mourning Sickness, 79.

35 Ibid., 89, 90.

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37 Comay, Mourning Sickness, 90. See also her article “Dead Right: Hegel and the Terror,” South Atlantic Quarterly, 103/2–3 (Spring–Summer 2004), 375–95.

38 Comay, Mourning Sickness, 30 ff.

39 Petry, M. J., ed. and trans., Hegel's Philosophy of Nature, vol. 2 (London and New York, 1970), 50–1Google Scholar (§288).

40 Buck-Morss, Susan, “Hegel and Haiti,” Critical Inquiry, 26/4 (Summer 2000), 821–65Google Scholar.

41 For an excellent historical overview of the Haitian Revolution see Dubois, Laurent, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, MA, 2004)Google Scholar.

42 Buck-Morss, Susan, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History (Pittsburgh, 2009), 42Google Scholar.

43 Fischer, Sibylle, Modernity Disavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Slavery in the Age of Revolution (Durham, NC, 2004), 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 In his lectures on The Philosophy of History, Hegel outlined a historical progression from the Oriental world, to the Greek world, to the Roman world, and finally to the Germanic world, which encompassed all of Christian Europe. “In the Frigid and in the Torrid zone”—e.g. Africa and much of Latin America—he thought, “the locality of World-historical peoples cannot be found.” For him, the northern half of the temperate zone was “the true theatre of History.” Hegel, Philosophy of History, 80.

45 Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, 42 ff.

46 Ibid., 48 ff. To support her claim, Buck-Morss points out that while everyone agrees that the section “Absolute Freedom and Terror” referred to the French Revolution, Hegel never actually mentioned the Revolution or any of its specific details in the text—cabbage heads and gulps of water aside (ibid., 50 n. 83). Buck-Morss draws on Terry Pinkard's biography of Hegel to argue that Hegel's precarious professional situation and concern about censorship c.1806 played an important role in deciding which explicit references he omitted from the Phenomenology (ibid., 19). Sybille Fischer, in contrast, interprets Hegel's silence in psychoanalytical terms as “a story of deep ambivalence, probably fascination, probably fear, and ultimately disavowal.” Fischer, Modernity Disavowed, 32; Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, 19 n. 36.

47 Buck-Morss provides an excellent analysis of the influence on Hegel of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations in this respect. Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, 4 ff., 52–3 n. 90–91). See also Herzog, Lisa, Inventing the Market: Smith, Hegel, and Political Theory (Oxford, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

48 Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, 138, original emphasis. That is, modern capitalism was the product of the colonial system, not the other way around (ibid., 100). Even the term “factory” has colonial origins (ibid., 101 ff.). Inverting the relationship between colonial periphery and metropole is a familiar move in subaltern studies. For example, see Chakrabarty, Dipesh, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton, NJ, 2000)Google Scholar.

49 Her reading of the master–slave dialectic is probably closer to the text than that of Kojève, who in his 1930s lectures mapped the dialectic onto proletarian liberation. Kojève, Alexandre, Introduction to the Reading of Hegel, ed. Bloom, Allan, trans. Nichols, James H. Jr (Ithaca, NY, 1980)Google Scholar.

50 Hegel, Phenomenology, 111–12 (§§178–82).

51 Ibid., 113–14 (§187). The dialectic of mutual recognition has become the centerpiece of Honneth's moral and political philosophy. See Honneth, Axel, The Struggle for Recognition: The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts, trans. Anderson, Joel (Cambridge, 1995)Google Scholar; and more recently Honneth, The I in We: Studies in the Theory of Recognition, trans. Joseph Ganahl (Cambridge, MA, 2010).

52 Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, 52–3 n. 90, claims that Hegel used the German words Knecht (“servant,” “bondsman”) and Sklave (“slave”) interchangeably.

53 Hegel, Phenomenology, 117 (§193).

54 Ibid., 119 (§196).

55 Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, 74.

56 Ibid., 116–17.

57 See Bayly, C. A.et al., “AHR Conversation: On Transnational History,” American Historical Review, 111/5 (December 2006), 1441–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a concise overview of how this trend has affected Germanists see Pence, Katherine and Zimmerman, Andrew, “Transnationalism,” German Studies Review, 35/3 (October 2012), 495500Google Scholar.

58 Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, 104 ff. Linebaugh, Peter and Rediker, Marcus, The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Boston, MA, 2000)Google Scholar. Their broad definition of global protest movements recalls Eric Hobsbawm's somewhat more patronizing surveys of bandits and “primitive rebels.”

59 Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, 106.

60 Ibid., 107–8. She has a curious notion of vanguard politics, grouping together such disparate examples as Osama bin Laden, George W. Bush, V. I. Lenin, and Jean-Jacques Dessalines (143).

61 Ibid., 111. See Gilroy, Paul, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge, MA, 1993)Google Scholar.

62 Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, 111–12 n. 63, original emphasis.

63 Ibid., 114.

64 Comay, Mourning Sickness, 118.

65 Jacoby, Russell, The End of Utopia: Politics and Culture in an Age of Apathy (New York, 1999)Google Scholar; Moyn, Samuel, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA, 2010)Google Scholar.

66 Samuel P. Huntington's “clash of civilizations” thesis is an object of particular contempt for Buck-Morss. Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, 13.

67 Ibid., 149.

68 Ibid., 118.

69 Ibid., 134, original emphasis.

70 Ibid., 150.

71 Ibid., 139.

72 Ibid., 16, original emphasis.