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What does it take to be a great power? The story of France joining the Big Five

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 May 2014

Abstract

The article illuminates the International Relations (IR) enigma of how states with relative low power succeed in gaining privileges reserved for great powers. Many IR studies on status stress the importance of social recognition as a precondition for enjoying the status of a great power. However, very few focus on the factors that affect such recognition. This article tries to fill this gap by looking at systemic wars. Systemic wars are special circumstances wherein a new world order is built and privileges are redistributed among states. In these situations, states may use their symbolic, moral, and circumstantial assets to grant themselves a paramount role in the new order. A state's previous status as a great power, its contribution to victory in a war, and the utilitarian considerations of other countries are all assets that help it to win the privileges reserved for great powers – and that in the long run could gain it recognition as a great power, despite its lack of the requisite capabilities. By using this conceptual framework in the case of France during and after the Second World War, this article tries to explain how a relatively weak power can gain a leading role in a postwar order.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2014 

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References

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32 Buzan emphasises that a state's behaviour is one of the contributors to recognition as a great power. See Buzan, United States.

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49 DDF, Vol. II (14 October 1944), doc. 63. The American representative at the EAC was against any kind of French inclusion, but the State Department was concerned about alienating the French government. See FRUS, General (3 October 1944), pp. 14–16, 92–4.

50 We can note here France's willingness to accept Soviet requests on the issue of prisoners. But even more significant were the Soviets’ hopes of trading this gesture of goodwill for French recognition of the Lublin Committee. In his conversation with French Foreign Minister Bidault, Molotov hinted that the Polish issue was the price the Soviet desired for their support of France in the Commission. See DDF, Vol. II (5 December), doc. 206.

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52 Archives du ministère des affaires ètrangères (MAE), file: Y 120 (13 January 1945).

53 France demanded such an occupation zone for itself at the EAC. Sees DDF, Vol II, (23 November 1944), doc. 182. Although Britain was eager to satisfy this demand and the US accepted it, the Soviets displayed much less enthusiasm.

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57 FRUS, Malta and Yalta (10 February 1945), pp. 899–900. It is probable that he was also influenced by his state department, which strongly supported France's inclusion. See FRUS, Malta and Yalta (5 January 1945), pp. 293–4; and also Snell, John L., The Meaning of Yalta: The Big Three Diplomacy and the New Balance of Power (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1956), p. 69Google Scholar.

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81 De Gaulle did not want to receive the same treatment as China, which, although present at Dumbarton Oaks, played a marginal role in the talks. See Luard, History of the United Nations, p. 32; Tiwari, Genesis, p. 237.

82 One of de Gaulle's maxims was that the weaker you are the more uncompromising you must be (Vernet, ‘Dilemma’), or as Jackson nicely put it, ‘De Gaulle bit the hand that fed him [the British] because it was his only way of showing that France still had teeth.’ (Jackson, France, p. 393).

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90 The minutes of the Council of Four clearly reveals Orlando's minimal participation.

91 See also Volgy et al., Major Powers.

92 Larson and Shevchenko, ‘Shortcut do Greatness’.

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