¹ Even historical studies of nationalism pay scant attention to diasporas. See for example Hayes, Carleton J. H., The Historical Evolution of Modern Nationalism (New York: Smith, 1931)Google Scholar; Meinecke, Friedrich, Weltbürgertum und Nationalstaat (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1911)Google Scholar; Kohn, Hans, The Idea of Nationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1944)Google Scholar; and Baron, Salo W., Modern Nationalism and Religion (New York: Harper, 1947)Google Scholar. Recent social science discussions like Schermerhorn, R. A., Comparative Ethnic Relations (New York: Random House, 1970)Google Scholar and Enloe, Cynthia H., Ethnic Conflict and Political Development (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973)Google Scholar deal only in passing with mobilized diasporas.

² I am completing a monographic study on the German diaspora in the Russian Empire and the beginnings of its replacement by the Jewish diaspora. This work will employ in a limited context both quantitative and nonquantitative data to test some of the hypotheses advanced here. The study will appear in a book edited by Jeremy Azrael for the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies Collaborative Research Project on Nation-Building and National Integration in the USSR. Since considerable amounts of data on Russia are cited in this and in previous studies I have published, I have documented here only the most important assertions about the Russian multiethnic polity.

³ Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, ed. Barth, Frederik (Bergen: Universitetsforlaget, 1969)Google Scholar.

⁴ See especially Curry, R. L. Jr. and Wade, L. L., A Theory of Political Exchange (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968), pp. ix ff.Google Scholar; and Blau, Peter, Exchange and Power in Social Life (New York: Wiley, 1964), pp. 151 ff.Google Scholar On the uses of conflict theory in ethnic relations see Schermerhorn, , Comparative Ethnic Relations, p. 44Google Scholar.

⁵ Vryonis, Speros, The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh Century through the Fifteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), p. 235Google Scholar.

⁶ “Myth” refers to an integrated set of beliefs emphasizing the historical continuity and peculiar identity of a group. Since the myth has strong affective connotations, group members commonly resist efforts to subject it to critical analysis; none of these features implies, of course, that the myth is either true or false.

⁷ See especially Coughlin, Richard J., Double Identity: The Chinese in Modern Thailand (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960), pp. 121, 160Google Scholar. Indians in East Africa and Malaya and Lebanese in West Africa also probably should be considered situational mobilized diasporas; Indians in Africa are convinced of their cultural superiority, according to Van den Berghe, Pierre L., Race and Ethnicity (New York: Basic Books, 1970), pp. 277, 293–94Google Scholar.

⁸ Coughlin, , Double Identity, pp. 78, 192Google Scholar; Purcell, Victor, The Chinese in Southeast Asia (London: Oxford University Press, 1951), p. 59Google Scholar; The New York Times, September 16, 1974. The Chinese maintain intense family (ancestral) identification; this appears closer to identification with a superior culture than with religion in the usual sense.

⁹ Fervent Lutherans did protest, but the extent of their concern and the numerous cases they cite are in themselves evidence of the tendency of the German diaspora to assimilate religiously. It had before it, of course, the frequent example of marriages and conversions to Orthodoxy among Lutheran royal families.

¹⁰ It is precisely this rejection of political ties with the homeland which distinguishes mobilized diasporas, as I conceive them, from minorities like English-speaking Canadians in Quebec, who can be more aptly categorized as outposts of a dominant ethnic group.

¹¹ Deutsch, Karl W., Nationalism and Social Communication (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1953)Google Scholar. Deutsch suggested the importance of communications networks for modern ethnic identity in an earlier work, “Medieval Unity and Its Economic Conditions for an International Civilization,” Canadian Journal of Economic and Political Science, 10 (February, 1944), 18–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Coughlin, , Double Identity, pp. 140–41, 144, 158Google Scholar; Cator, W. L., The Economic Position of the Chinese in the Netherlands Indies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1936), pp. 19, 29, 35Google Scholar; Hunter, Guy, South-East Asia—Race, Culture, and Nation (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 44 ff.Google Scholar; Skinner, G. William, Chinese Society in Thailand (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1957), p. 169Google Scholar.

¹³ See especially Mieses, Matthias, Die Gesetze der Schriftgeschichte: Konfession und Schrift im Leben der Völker (Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1919), pp. 67 ff.Google Scholar; Hajnal, Istvan, “Le Rôle Social de l'Ecriture et l'Evolution Européenne,” Revue de l'Institut de Sociologie (Brussels), IV (1924), 32 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Weinreich, Max, “The Reality of Jewishness versus the Ghetto Myth,” in To Honor Roman Jakobson (The Hague: Mouton, 1967), III, 2209Google Scholar; Language in Sociocultural Change: Essays by Joshua A. Fishman, ed. Dil, Anwar S. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), pp. 297 ff.Google Scholar; Sharot, Stephen, “Minority Situation and Religious Acculturation; A Comparative Analysis of Jewish Communities,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 16 (June, 1974), 340, 347CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Baer, Yitzhak, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, II (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1966)Google Scholar; Neuman, Abraham A., The Jews in Spain, I (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1942)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Skinner, , Chinese Society, p. 169Google Scholar; Coughlin, , Double Identity, p. 153Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Cator, , Economic Position of the Chinese, p. 13Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Gibb, H. A. R. and Bowen, Harold, Islamic Society and the West, I, Part 2 (London: Oxford University Press, 1950), p. 223Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Ter-Mkrtichian, Loretta Kh., Armiane v Stranakh Arabskogo Vostoka (Moscow: “Nauka,” 1965)Google Scholar; Wirth, Eugen, “Damaskus-Aleppo-Beirut: Ein geographischer Vergleich dreier nahöstlicher Städte im Spiegel ihrer sozial und wirtschaftlich tonangebenden Schichten,” Die Erde, 97(1966), 180Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Portal, Roger, L'Oural au XVIIIe Siècle (Paris: Institut d'Etudes Slaves, 1950), pp. 65, 99Google Scholar; Poliansky, F. Ia., “Promyshlennaia Politika Russkogo Absoliutizma vo Vtoroi Chetverti XVIII v. (1725–1740 gg.),” Voprosy Istorii Narodnogo Khoziaistva SSSR, 1957, p. 106Google Scholar; Cator, , Economic Position of the Chinese, pp. 139 ff.Google Scholar

²⁰ Mantran, Robert, Istanbul dans la Second Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1962), p. 510Google Scholar.

²¹ Quoted by Heyd, Uriel, Foundations of Turkish Nationalism: The Life and Teachings of Ziya Gökalp (London: Luzac, 1950), p. 74Google Scholar.

²² Wolf, G., “Zur Geschichte jüdischer Aertze in Oesterreich,” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums, 13 (1864), 196–97Google Scholar; cf. Kisch, Guido, Die Prager Universität und die Juden, 1348–1848 (Mährisch-Ostrau: Julius Kittls Nachfolger, 1935), p. 36Google Scholar.

²³ Dominique, and Sourdel, Janine, La Civilisation de l'Islam Classique (Paris: Arthaud, 1968), p. 370Google Scholar; Tritton, A. S., The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects, 2nd ed. (London: Cass, 1970), p. 72Google Scholar; cf. Watt, H. Montgomery, Islam and the Integration of Society (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1961), p. 121CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on the persistence of crypto-Zoroastrians (i.e., what are today known as “Parsees”) in the civil service of the caliphs.

²⁴ Sanjian, Avedis K., The Armenian Communities in Syria under Ottoman Dominion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965), p. 36Google Scholar. On the ubiquity of Chinese tax farmers, see especially Purcell, , Chinese in Southeast Asia, p. 664Google Scholar.

²⁵ Baer, , History of the Jews in Christian Spain, II, 347Google Scholar.

²⁶ “Zur Lage,” Baltische Monatsschrift, 19 (1870), 8Google Scholar; cf. Rothfels, Hans, Reich, Staat und Nation in deutsch-baltischen Denken (Haale: Niemeyer, 1930), pp. 226 ff.Google Scholar

²⁷ Flamand, Pierre, Un Mellah en Pays Berbère: Demnate (Paris: Librairie Générate de Droit, 1952), p. 141Google Scholar. See also LeTourneau, Roger, Fès avant le Protectorat (Casablanca: Société Marocaine de Librairie et d'Editions, 1949), pp. 186, 448Google Scholar; Hirschberg, H. Z., “The Jewish Quarter in Moslem Cities and Berber Areas,” Judaism, 17 (Autumn, 1968), 406Google Scholar; Goulven, J., Les Mellahs de Rabat-Salé (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1927)Google Scholar presents a somewhat less favorable picture. Cf. Mantran, , Istanbul, p. 65Google Scholar.

²⁸ Kann, Robert A., “Hungarian Jewry during Austria-Hungary's Constitutional Period (1867–1918),” Jewish Social Studies, VII (1945), 357–86Google Scholar.

²⁹ See especially Neuman, , The Jews in Spain, I, 182Google Scholar; Baer, , A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, II, 25Google Scholar; Braudel, Fernand, La Méditerranée et le Monde Méditerranéen à l'Epoque de Philippe II, 2nd ed. (Paris: Colin, 1966), II, 29Google Scholar. Cf. Weinreich, in To Honor Roman Jakobson, III, 2201Google Scholar, for a description of the similar situation in the medieval Rhineland.

³⁰ Castro, Américo, The Spaniards (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), pp. 502, 570Google Scholar.

³¹ Blalock, Hubert H. Jr., Towarda Theory of Minority-Group Relations (New York: Wiley, 1967), p. 81Google Scholar. On p. 79 Blalock appears to agree with my point that a mobilized diaspora is relatively secure in a traditional social order.

³² Coughlin, , Double Identity, pp. 128, 168Google Scholar; Purcell, , Chinese in Southeast Asia, p. 169Google Scholar.

³³ Armstrong, John A., “Soviet Foreign Policy and Anti-Semitism,” Soviet Jewry: 1969 (Academic Committee on Soviet Jewry, 1969), pp. 65–69Google Scholar. I do not pretend that the explanation of internal factors presented above is adequate to explain all cases of persecution of mobilized diasporas, especially those involving recent anti-Semitism. Nolte, Ernst in Three Faces of Fascism (New York: Reinhart, 1966)Google Scholar, emphasizes quite rightly the importance of the search for scapegoats after military defeat (in Weimar Germany and late nineteenth-century France; he might have added Turkey after defeats in 1876–78 and 1915–19). Still, it can be argued that one significant factor in all three of these countries was the highly uneven pace of modernization, which made it profitable for elites of premodern origin to condone scapegoating by discontented members of their ethnic group. More directly contrary to my interpretation, at least on the surface, is the important study by Bettelheim, Bruno and Janowitz, Morris, Dynamics of Prejudice (New York: Harper, 1950)Google Scholar, which attributes increases in anti-Semitic attitudes in both Germany and the United States to downward mobility. Of course outbreaks of anti-Semitism occasionally occur in successfully modernized countries, despite what I contend is the generally favorable position of the vestigial mobilized diasporas there. Unfortunately, such an ingrained historical prejudice is hardly likely to disappear merely because of economic and social transformations. It is not surprising that when anti-Semitism does occur in a modernized society the causes are different from those in slowly modernizing multiethnic societies. Apart from the hideous Nazi exception, however, dominant elites in Western modernized societies have succeeded in preventing the attitudes Bettelheim and Janowitz note from resulting in catastrophic behavior.

³⁴ Rosenau, James N., The Scientific Study of Foreign Policy (New York: Free Press, 1971)Google Scholar.

³⁵ Deverdun, Gaston, Marrakech (Rabat: Editions Techniques Nordafricaines, 1959), p. 453Google Scholar; Inalcik, Halil, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age, 1300–1600 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973), p. 129Google Scholar; Franco, Moise, Sur l'Histoire des Israélites de l'Empire Ottoman depuis les Origines jusqu'à Nos Jours (Hildesheim: Olms, 1973—reprint of 1897 ed.), p. 57Google Scholar.

³⁶ Sanjian, , Armenian Communities, p. 48Google Scholar; Baiburtian, V. A., Armianskaia Koloniia Novoi Dzhulfy v XVII Veke (Erevan: Akademiia Nauk Armianskoi SSR, 1969)Google Scholar; Istoricheskie Sviazi i Druzhba Ukrainskogo i Armianskogo Narodov (Kiev: “Naukova Dumka,” 1965), pp. 101 ff., 122 ff.Google Scholar; Abramian, R. L., Armianskie Istochniki XVIII V. ob Indii (Erevan: Akademiia Nauk Armianskoi SSR, 1968)Google Scholar.

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³⁸ Lewis, Bernard, The Emergence of Modern Turkey (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), p. 87Google Scholar.

³⁹ Ibid., Steven Runciman, The Great Church in Captivity (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1968), p. 364; Gibb, and Bowen, , Islamic Society, I, Part 2, p. 236Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Purcell, , Chinese in Southeast Asia, p. 591Google Scholar; Cator, , Economic Position of the Chinese, p. 157Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Gibb, and Bowen, , Islamic Society, I, Part 2, pp. 217, 241Google Scholar; Lewis, , Emergence, p. 454Google Scholar; Nakoum, Haim (former chief rabbi), “Jews,” in Modern Turkey, ed. Mears, Elliot (New York: Macmillan, 1924), p. 87Google Scholar; Heyd, Uriel, “The Jewish Communities of Istanbul in the Seventeenth Century,” Oriens, 6 (No. 2, 1952), 308 ff.Google Scholar

⁴² Deutsch, Karl W. “External Influences on the Internal Behavior of States,” in Approaches to Comparative and International Politics, ed. Farrell, R. Barry (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1966), p. 12Google Scholar.

⁴³ Runciman, , Great Church, p. 406Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Ibid.; Lewis, , Emergence, pp. 87, 455Google Scholar; Lewis, Bernard, Islam in History (London: Alcove Press, 1973), p. 135Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Nalbandian, Louise, The Armenian Revolutionary Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963), pp. 27, 43, 71, 133Google Scholar; Lewis, , Emergence, p. 350Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Sanjian, , Armenian Communities, p. 242Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Castro, , The Spaniards, pp. 550–52Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Ibid., p. 591; Braudel, Fernand, Capitalism and Material Life, 1400–1800 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973), p. 24Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Braudel, , La Méditerranée, II, 46Google Scholar. The Spanish kingdom was obliged to import Flemish and Burgundian administrators from its outlying possessions and (more or less surreptitiously) French merchants and artisans (forty thousand in Madrid alone by 1655) to assume specialized roles Spaniards could not fill.

⁵⁰ Notably in nineteenth-century Hungary, where Jews replaced the urban German diaspora in many occupations with the tacit acquiescence of the Magyar elite, which regarded Jews as more assimilable, Kann, , “Hungarian Jewry,” pp. 371 ff.Google Scholar

⁵¹ I have analyzed the social implications of the pace of Russian modernization in “Communist Political Systems as Vehicles for Modernization,” in Political Development in Changing Societies, ed. Palmer, Monte and Stern, Larry (Lexington: Heath, 1971), pp. 135 ff.Google Scholar

⁵² Gitelman, Zvi Y., Jewish Nationality and Soviet Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972), p. 23Google Scholar.

⁵³ Mendelsohn, Ezra, Class Struggle in the Pale (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1970), p. 17Google Scholar; cf. Weinryb, S. B., Neueste Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Juden in Russland und Polen (Breslau: M. and H. Marcus, 1934)Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Gitelman, , Jewish Nationality, p. 76Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Ibid., p. 116.

⁵⁶ Armstrong, John A., The Politics of Totalitarianism (New York: Random House, 1961), chapter 11Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ See footnote 33 above.

⁵⁸ Mendelsohn, , Class Struggle in the Pale, p. 9Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Castles, Stephen and Kosack, Godula, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 310Google Scholar; Jackson, John A., The Irish in Britain (London: Routledge and Paul, 1963), pp. 79, 81Google Scholar. It is true that at times specific proletarian diasporas have tended to take unskilled jobs in particular economic branches, but these are almost always characterized by greater job turnover and geographical mobility than roles occupied by the dominant ethnic group, and by less status mobility.

⁶⁰ Castles, and Kosack, , Immigrant Workers, pp. 182, 191Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Fishman, Joshua, Sociolinguistics (Rowley: Newbury House, 1970), p. 78Google Scholar.

⁶² Castles, and Kosack, , Immigrant Workers, especially p. 476Google Scholar.

⁶³ Kindleberger, Charles P., Europe's Postwar Growth: The Role of Labor Supply (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 204 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Grandjeat, Pierre, “Les Migrations de Travailleurs en Europe,” Cahiers de l'Institut International d'Etudes Sociales, I, Cahier 1 (Paris, 1966), pp. 62 ff.Google Scholar; Rose, Arnold M., Migrants in Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1969), pp. 150 ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Braudel, , Capitalism, pp. 380–81Google Scholar. Braudel's generalization is supported by the ingeniously compiled statistics presented by Mols, Roger, Introduction à la Démographie Historique des Villes d'Europe du XIVe au XVIIIe Siècle (Louvain: Duculot, 1955), II, 379 ff.Google Scholar Cf. Glazer, Nathan and Moynihan, Daniel P., Beyond the Melting Pot, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1970), p. 10Google Scholar: “The classic heterogeneity of great cities has been limited to the elite part of the population … not, as in the United States, the masses.”

⁶⁵ Braudel, , Capitalism, pp. 380–81Google Scholar; Chevalier, Louis, La Formation de la Population Parisienne du XIXe Siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1949), pp. 21, 165, 210Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Girard, Alain and Stoelzel, Jean, “Français et Immigrés,” Institut National d'Etudes Démographiques, Cahier No. 19 (Paris, 1953), p. 19Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Castles, and Kosack, , Immigrant Workers, pp. 296, 432Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Rose, , Migrants, p. 24Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Ibid., p. 115.

⁷⁰ Girard, and Stoelzel, , “Français et Immigrés,” pp. 37, 41Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Sheehan, Edward R. F., “Europe's Hired Poor,” The New York Times Magazine, December 9, 1973Google Scholar; cf. The New York Times, May 2, 1973, and Sartre's, Jean-Paul editorial article in The New York Times, March 11, 1973Google Scholar.

⁷² The poor excuse for a colonial empire which the Second Reich cherished produced no significant labor export; in a sense, of course, the Ostarbeiter compelled to work in Germany during World War II constituted a temporary proletarian diaspora.

⁷³ Castles, and Kosack, , Immigrant Workers, p. 19Google Scholar; Kindleberger, , Europe's Postwar Growth, p. 177Google Scholar; Rose, , Migrants, p. 24Google Scholar; The New York Times, November 24, 1973.

⁷⁴ The New York Times, July 11, 1972, on increased Polish and Rumanian export of contract labor to West Germany, despite East German opposition.

⁷⁵ Armstrong, John A., “The Ethnic Scene in the Soviet Union,” in Ethnic Minorities in the Soviet Union, ed. Goldhagen, Erich (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 7Google Scholar.