Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-dnltx Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-18T21:41:50.946Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Political Economy of Imperialism, Decolonization and Development

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 February 2011

Abstract

Nations have historically sought power and prosperity through control of physical space. In recent decades, however, this has largely ceased. Most states that could do so appear relucant, while the weak cannot expand. This article presents a theory of imperialism and decolonization that explains both historic cycles of expansion and decline and the collective demise of the urge to colonize. Technological shocks enable expansion, while rising labour costs and the dynamics of military technology gradually dilute imperial advantage. Simultaneously, economic development leads to a secular decline in payoffs for appropriating land, minerals and capital. Once conquest no longer pays great powers, the systemic imperative to integrate production vertically also becomes archaic.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2011

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Johnson, Chalmers, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (New York: Owl Books, 2001)Google Scholar; Johnson, Chalmers, The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2004)Google Scholar; Bacevich, Andrew J., American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of US Diplomacy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Ferguson, Niall, Colossus: The Price of America's Empire (New York: Penguin, 2004)Google Scholar.

2 Doyle, Michael W., Empires (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1986), p. 30Google Scholar.

3 Niall Ferguson prefers the term ‘empire’ to ‘hegemony’. ‘To compare . . . the United States and the United Kingdom as hegemonies is to miss differences that become obvious when the two are compared as empires.’ Distinguishing between US hegemony and British empire would highlight the differences Ferguson seeks to emphasize: ‘A century ago, the United Kingdom's formal empire was very large indeed, covering nearly a quarter of the world's surface and ruling roughly the same proportion of its population. Today, on the other hand, the United States’ formal empire includes just 14 dependencies (of which the largest is Puerto Rico) and covers less than 11,000 square kilometers.’ ( Ferguson, Niall, ‘Hegemony or Empire? Book Review’, Foreign Affairs, 82 (2003), pp. 160161CrossRefGoogle Scholar.)

4 President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela recently claimed in the United Nations that the United States was led by ‘the devil’.

5 See, for example, Gibbon, Edward, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (New York: Knopf, 1993[1776])Google Scholar; Spengler, Oswald, The Decline of the West (London: Allen & Unwin, 1932)Google Scholar; Modelski, George A., Long Cycles in World Politics (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Zacher, Mark, ‘The Territorial Integrity Norm: International Boundaries and the Use of Force’, International Organization, 55 (2001), 215250CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fazal, Tanisha, State Death: The Politics and Geography of Conquest, Occupation, and Annexation (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2007)Google Scholar.

7 See, for example, North, Douglass, Structure and Change in Economic History (New York: Norton, 1981)Google Scholar; Acemoglu, Daron, Johnson, Simon and Robinson, James A., ‘The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation’, American Economic Review, 91 (2001), 13691401CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Spruyt, Hendrik, Ending Empire: Contested Sovereignty and Territorial Partition (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

8 Hobson, John A., Imperialism (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1938 [1905])Google Scholar; Lenin, V. I., Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1970 [1916])Google Scholar; Orwell, George, Shooting an Elephant and Other Essays (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1950)Google Scholar; Sartre, Jean-Paul, Colonialism and Neocolonialism (London: Routledge, 2001)Google Scholar.

9 Said, Edward W., Culture and Imperialism (New York: Knopf, 1993)Google Scholar; Said, Edward W., Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994)Google Scholar; Said, Edward W., ‘Yeats and Decolonization’, in Moustafa Bayoumi and Andrew Rubin, eds, The Edward Said Reader (New York: Vintage Books, 2000)Google Scholar; Chomsky, Noam, Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2003)Google Scholar; Johnson, Blowback; and Johnson, The Sorrows of Empire.

10 Darwin, John, Britain and Decolonization: The Retreat from Empire in the Post-War World (New York: St. Martin's, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Betts, Raymond F., Decolonization (London: Routledge, 1998)Google Scholar.

11 Smith, Tony, The Pattern of Imperialism: The United States, Great Britain, and the Late-Industrializing World since 1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Scammell, Geoffrey, The First Imperial Age: European Overseas Expansion c. 1400–1715 (Boston, Mass.: Unwin-Hyman, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Canny, Nicholas, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire: Vol. I: The Origins of Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Black, Jeremy, Europe and the World, 1650–1830 (New York: Routledge, 2002)Google Scholar.

12 Gollwitzer, Heinz, Europe in the Age of Imperialism, 1880–1914 (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1969)Google Scholar; Cain, Peter J. and Hopkins, Anthony G., British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688–1914 (London: Longman, 1993)Google Scholar.

13 Motyl, Alexander, Imperial Ends: The Decay, Collapse and Revival of Empires (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Galtung, Johan, Heiestad, Tore and Rudeng, Erik, ‘On the Decline and Fall of Empires: The Roman Empire & Western Imperialism Compared’, Review (Fernand Braudel Center), 4 (1980), 91153Google Scholar; Galtung, Johan, The Decline and Fall of Empires: A Theory of Re-Development (Geneva: Research Institute on Development (UNRISD), 1996)Google Scholar; Springhall, John, Decolonization Since 1945: The Collapse of European Empires Overseas (New York: Palgrave, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 Our argument is by no means incompatible with the view that moral suasion helped to end empire. See, for example, Jackson, Robert, ‘The Weight of Ideas in Decolonization: Normative Change in International Relations’, in Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane, eds, Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions, and Political Change (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993), pp. 111138Google Scholar; Crawford, Neta, Argument and Change in World Politics: Ethics, Decolonization, and Humanitarian Intervention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Yet to use such arguments runs the risk of being overly congratulatory about the triumph of Western ethics over Western avarice. Western civilization set aside ethical qualms for hundreds of years. The very dawn of empire is punctuated by acts like the encomiendo that nominally guaranteed Church protection in the New World, but which effectively gave authorities a free hand with indigenous populations.

15 Johnson, Blowback; Johnson, The Sorrows of Empire; Ferguson, Colossus.

16 Schlesinger, Arthur Jr, The Cycles of American History (Boston, Mass.: Houghton Miffin, 1986)Google Scholar; Kennedy, Paul, Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change & Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000 (New York: Random House, 1989)Google Scholar.

17 Bacevich, Andrew J., American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of US Diplomacy (Cambridge, Mass.: University of Harvard Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

18 Lake, David, ‘Anarchy, Hierarchy, and the Variety of International Institutions’, International Organization, 50 (1996), 133CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cooley, Alexander, Logics of Hierarchy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

19 Zacher, ‘The Territorial Integrity Norm’; Fazal, State Death.

20 Our comments on the literature are necessarily brief. They are not intended as a thorough or balanced representation of available perspectives. Instead, we focus on contemporary debates and our own view of salient controversies.

21 Hobson, Imperialism; Lenin, Imperialism. For reviews and criticism, see Fieldhouse, David K., ‘ “Imperialism”: An Historiographical Revision’, Economic History Review, 14 (1961), 187209Google Scholar; Fieldhouse, David K., The Theory of Capitalist Imperialism (London: Longman, 1967)Google Scholar; Menon, Rajan and Oneal, John R., ‘Explaining Imperialism: The State of the Art in Three Theories’, Polity, 19 (1986), 169193CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Eckstein, A. M., ‘Is There a “Hobson–Lenin Thesis” on Late Nineteenth-Century Colonial Expansion?’ Economic History Review, 44 (1991), 297318Google Scholar; Wolfe, Patrick, ‘History and Imperialism: A Century of Theory, from Marx to Postcolonialism’, American History Review, 102 (1997), 388420CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Snyder, Jack L., Myths of Empire: Domestic Politics and International Ambition (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

23 Gallagher, John and Robinson, Ronald, ‘The Imperialism of Free Trade’, Economic History Review, 6 (1953), 115CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dos Santos, Theotonio, ‘The Structure of Dependence’, American Economic Review, 60 (1970), 231236Google Scholar; Galtung, Johan, ‘A Structural Theory of Imperialism’, Journal of Peace Research, 8 (1971), 81117CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Caporaso, James A., ‘Dependence, Dependency, and Power in the Global System: A Structural and Behavioral Analysis’, International Organization, 32 (1998), 1443Google Scholar. For criticism, see Gidengil, Elisabeth, ‘Centres and Peripheries: An Empirical Test of Galtung's Theory of Imperialism’, Journal of Peace Research, 15 (1978), 5166CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Smith, Tony, ‘The Underdevelopment of Development Literature: The Case of Dependency Theory’, World Politics, 31 (1979), 247288CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weede, Erich and Tiefenbach, Horst, ‘Some Recent Explanations of Income Inequality: An Evaluation & Critique’, International Studies Quarterly, 25 (1981), 255282CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Waltz, Kenneth N., Man, the State, and War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959)Google Scholar; Gilpin, Robert, War and Change in World Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Wallerstein, Immanuel, The Capitalist World Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979)Google Scholar.

26 Modelski, Long Cycles in World Politics; Modelski, George and Thompson, William R., Seapower in Global Politics, 1494–1993 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goldstein, Joshua S., Long Cycles: Prosperity and War in the Modern Age (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1988)Google Scholar; Thompson, William R., On Global War: Historical-Structural Approaches to World Politics (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988)Google Scholar; Chase-Dunn, Christopher and Richard Rubinson, ‘Toward a Structural Perspective on the World-System’, Politics and Society, 7 (1979), 453476CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chase-Dunn, Christopher, Kawano, Yukio and Bewer, Benjamin, ‘Trade Globalization Since 1795: Waves of Integration in the World-System’, American Sociological Review, 65 (2000), 7795CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an effort to tie together long-cycle theory with theories of imperial growth and decline, see Pollins, Brian M. and Murrin, Kevin P., ‘Where Hobbes Meets Hobson: Core Conflict and Colonialism, 1495–1985’, International Studies Quarterly, 43 (1999), 427454CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a review of long-cycles research, see Rasler, Karen and Thompson, William R., ‘Global War and the Political Economy of Structural Change’, in Manus I. Midlarsky, ed., The Handbook of War Studies (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000), pp. 301333Google Scholar. For criticism, see Beck, Nathaniel, ‘The Illusion of Cycles in International Relations’, International Studies Quarterly, 35 (1991), 455476CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Silverberg, Gerald, ‘Long Waves in Global Warfare and Maritime Hegemony? A Complex Systems Perspective’, in Tessaleno C. Devezas, ed., Kondratieff Waves, Warfare and World Security (Amsterdam: IOS Press, 2006), pp. 154164Google Scholar.

27 Kahler, Miles, Decolonization in Britain and France: The Domestic Consequences of International Relations (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Holland, Roy, European Decolonization, 1918–1981: An Introductory Survey (New York: St. Martin's, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 Easton, Stuart C., The Rise and Fall of Western Colonialism (New York: Praeger, 1964)Google Scholar; Grimal, Henri, Decolonization: The British, French, Dutch and Belgian Empires (London: Routledge, 1978)Google Scholar; Low, D. A., Eclipse of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 McIntyre, David, Commonwealth of Nations: Origins and Impact (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977)Google Scholar; Lapping, Brian, End of Empire (London: Granada, 1985)Google Scholar.

30 See Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire; Mahan, A. T., The Influence of Sea Power on History, 1660–1783, 5th edn (New York: Dover, 1987 [1890])Google Scholar; Mearsheimer, John J., The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001)Google Scholar.

31 Santos, Dos, The Structure of Dependence; Andre Gunder Frank, ‘The Development of Underdevelopment’, Monthly Review, 18 September 1966Google Scholar.

32 Wallerstein, Immanuel, The Modern World System I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974)Google Scholar; Wallerstein, Immanuel, ‘The Three Instances of Hegemony in the History of the Capitalist World-Economy’, International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 24 (1983), 100108CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Galtung, ‘A Structural Theory of Imperialism’; Gidengil, ‘Centres and Peripheries’; Chase-Dunn and Rubinson, ‘Toward a Structural Perspective on the World-System’; McGowan, Patrick and Kordan, Bohdan, ‘Imperialism in World-System Perspective: Britain 1870–1914’, International Studies Quarterly, 25 (1981), 4368CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rasler, Karen and Thompson, William R., ‘Global Wars, Public Debts, and the Long Cycle’, World Politics, 35 (1983), 489516CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 Marx, Karl, ‘The East India Company: Its History and Results’, in Karl Marx, Fredrick Engels: Collected Works (New York: International Publishers, 1975 [1853]), pp. 148156Google Scholar; Hobson, Imperialism; Lenin, Imperialism.

34 Gallagher, and Robinson, , ‘The Imperialism of Free Trade’Google Scholar; Magdoff, Henry, The Age of Imperialism: The Economics of U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1969)Google Scholar; Theodore Moran, H., ‘Multinational Corporations and Dependency: A Dialogue for Dependentistas and Non-Dependentistas’, International Organization, 32 (1978), 79100CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35 Strang, David, ‘From Dependency to Sovereignty: An Event History Analysis of Decolonization 1870–1987’, American Sociological Review, 55 (1990), 846860CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Strang, David, ‘Anomaly and Commonplace in European Political Expansion: Realist and Institutional Accounts’, International Organization, 45 (1991), 143162CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36 See, for example, Cohen, Benjamin J., The Question of Imperialism: The Political Economy of Dominance and Dependence (New York: Basic Books, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kahler, Miles, ‘Political Regime and Economic Actors: The Response of Firms to the End of Colonial Rule’, World Politics, 33 (1981), 383412CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kimura, Mitsuhiko, ‘The Economics of Japanese Imperialism in Korea, 1910–1939’, Economic History Review, 48 (1995), 555574CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Garoupa, Nuno R. and Gata, João E., ‘War and Peace: The European Decolonization Process’ (Working Paper, Department of Economics at the School of Economics and Management, Technical University of Lisbon, 2001)Google Scholar.

37 Kahler, Miles, ‘External Ambition and Economic Performance’, World Politics, 40 (1988), 419451CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38 Pagden, Anthony, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France, 1500–1800 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Armitage, David, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 Grossman, Herschel and Iyigun, Murat, ‘The Profitability of Colonial Investment’, Economics and Politics, 7 (1995), 229241CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a debate on ‘gentlemanly capitalism’, see Cain, Peter J. and Hopkins, Anthony G., ‘The Political Economy of British Expansion Overseas, 1750–1914’, Economic History Review, 33 (1980), 463490Google Scholar; Cain, Peter J. and Hopkins, Anthony G., ‘Gentlemanly Capitalism and British Expansion Overseas I: The Old Colonial System, 1688–1850’, Economic History Review, 39 (1986), 501525CrossRefGoogle Scholar; O'Brien, Patrick, ‘Imperialism and the Rise and Decline of the British Economy, 1688–1989’, New Left Review, 1, No. 238 (1999), 4880Google Scholar; O'Brien, Patrick, ‘Mercantilism and Imperialism in the Rise and Decline of the Dutch and British Economies’, De Economist, 148 (2000), 469501CrossRefGoogle Scholar; White, Nicholas J., ‘The Business and the Politics of Decolonization: The British Experience in the Twentieth Century’, Economic History Review, 53 (2000), 544564CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 Grossman, Herschel and Iyigun, Murat, ‘Population Increase and the End of Colonialism’, Economica, 64 (1997), 483493CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a claim that colonial investments were profitable, see Oneal, John R. and Oneal, Frances H., ‘Hegemony, Imperialism, and the Profitability of Foreign Investments’, International Organization, 42 (1988), 347373CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an argument that investment and colonial control were interrelated, see Frieden, Jeffry A., ‘International Investment and Colonial Control: A New Interpretation’, International Organization, 48 (1994), 559593CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Capital flowed to middle-income countries, rather than to colonies. See Clemens, Michael A. and Williamson, Jeffrey G., ‘Where Did British Foreign Capital Go?’ (Cambridge, Mass.: NBER Working Paper 8028, 2000)Google Scholar, and also Pollard, Sidney, ‘Capital Exports, 1870–1914: Harmful or Beneficial?’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 38 (1985), 489514Google Scholar; Pollard, Sidney, ‘Comment on Peter Temin's Comment’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 40 (1987), 452458CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Temin, Peter, ‘Capital Exports, 1870–1914: An Alternative Model’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 40 (1987), 453458CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Balasubramanyam, V. N., ‘Capital Exports, 1870–1914’, Economic History Review, 42 (1989), 260264Google Scholar.

41 Gellner, Ernest, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983)Google Scholar; Fearon, James D. and Laitin, David D., ‘Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War’, American Political Science Review, 97 (2003), 7590CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Military advantage can lead to other forms of hierarchy, such as vassal states, which we do not explore here.

43 All appendices are available online at: http://www.journals.cambridge.org/jps.

44 Fuller, J. F. C., Armament and History: A Study of the Influence of Armament on History from the Dawn of Classical Warfare to the Second World War (London: Scribner, 1945)Google Scholar; McNeill, William H., The Rise of the West: A History of the Human Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963)Google Scholar; McNeill, William H., The Pursuit of Power: Technology, Armed Force, and Society Since A.D. 1000 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984)Google Scholar; McNeill, William H., ‘World History and the Rise and Fall of the West’, Journal of World History, 9 (1998), 215236CrossRefGoogle Scholar; van Creveld, Martin, Technology and War: From 2000 B.C. to the Present (New York: The Free Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Dupuy, Trevor N., The Evolution of Weapons and Warfare (Cambridge, Mass.: Da Capo Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

45 Headrick, Daniel R., The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981)Google Scholar. It is easy to overemphasize technology, or confuse power projection with combat effectiveness. Leadership and personnel also remain important. See Dupuy, Trevor N., Numbers, Predictions and War: Using History to Evaluate Combat Factors and Predict the Outcome of Battles (Fairfax, Va.: Hero Books, 1979)Google Scholar; Millett, Allan R., Murray, Williamson and Watman, Kenneth H., ‘The Effectiveness of Military Organizations’, International Security, 11 (1986), 3771CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stam, Allan and Reiter, Dan, ‘Democracy, War Initiation, and Victory’, American Political Science Review, 92 (1998), 377389Google Scholar; Stam, Allan and Reiter, Dan, ‘Democracy and Battlefield Military Effectiveness’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 42 (1998), 259277Google Scholar; Reiter, Dan and Stam, Allan C., Democracies At War (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rotte, Ralph and Schmidt, Christoph M., ‘On the Production of Victory: Empirical Determinants of Battlefield Success in Modern War’, Defense and Peace Economics, 14 (2003), 175192CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Biddle, Stephen, Military Power: Explaining Victory and Defeat in Modern Battle (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Lieber, Kier A., War and the Engineers: The Primacy of Politics over Technology (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

46 Buzan, Barry and Herring, Eric, The Arms Dynamic in World Politics (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1998)Google Scholar; Krause, Keith, Arms and the State: Patterns of Military Production and Trade (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goldman, Emily O. and Andres, Richard, ‘Systemic Effects of Military Innovation and Diffusion’, Security Studies, 8 (1999), 79125CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goldman, Emily O. and Eliason, Leslie C., eds, Diffusion of Military Technology and Ideas (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2003)Google Scholar. Colonizers and local populations engage in a strategic game: ‘The logic of Western superiority in fixed encounters had been thoroughly digested by the Indians: after their costly initial defeats, they were scrupulously careful to avoid pitched battles – much to the fury of the Europeans – because they always lost them. Only gradually did the Europeans recognize that the only way to beat the Indians was to adopt those same guerrilla methods … But the Indians of New England were also learning fast’ ( Parker, Geoffrey, The Military Revolution: Military Innovation and the Rise of the West, 1500–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 119Google Scholar).

47 Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire; Kennedy, Rise and Fall of the Great Powers; Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics.

48 Low, Eclipse of Empire, p. 6.

49 North, Douglass C. and Paul Thomas, Robert, The Rise of the Western World: A New Economic History (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bean, Richard, ‘War and the Birth of the Nation State’, Journal of Economic History, 33 (1973), 203221CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tallett, Frank, War and Society in Early Modern Europe, 1495–1715 (London: Routledge, 1997)Google Scholar; Abernethy, David B., The Dynamics of Global Dominance: European Overseas Empires, 1415–1980 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

50 See, for example, Wallerstein, Immanuel, The Modern World-System II: Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy, 1600–1750 (New York: Academic Press, 1980)Google Scholar; Hobsbawm, Eric, The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1987)Google Scholar; Tilly, Charles, Coercion, Capital, and European States (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1992)Google Scholar; Schroeder, Paul, The Transformation of European Politics, 1763–1848 (New York: Clarendon Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

51 See, for example, Downing, Brian, The Military Revolution and Political Change (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Rogers, Clifford, ed., The Military Revolution Debate: Readings on the Military Transformation of Early Modern Europe (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1995)Google Scholar; Parker, The Military Revolution; Boyd-Graber, Jordan, Only in Europe? The Economic and Military Foundations of European World Empires (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004)Google Scholar. Thompson contrasts demand side arguments with the supply side (the ease of conquest); see Thompson, William R., ‘The Military Superiority Thesis and the Ascendancy of Western Eurasia in the World System’, Journal of World History, 10 (1999), 143178CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 Ferguson, Niall, The Cash Nexus: Money and Power in the Modern World, 1700–2000 (New York: Basic Books, 2002)Google Scholar; Glete, Jan, War and the State in Early Modern Europe: Spain, the Dutch Republic, and Sweden as Fiscal-Military States, 1500–1660 (London: Routledge, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 Spruyt, Hendrik, The Sovereign State and its Competitors: An Analysis of Systems Change (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

54 On the origins of Western military advantage, see Lynn, John, ‘The Evolution of Army Style in the Modern West, 800–2000’, International History Review, 18 (1996), 505545CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thompson, William R., ‘A Test of a Theory of Co-Evolution in War: Lengthening the Western Eurasian Military Trajectory’, International History Review, 28 (2006), 473503CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

55 Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire; Kennedy, Rise and Fall of the Great Powers.

56 Rasler and Thompson, ‘Global Wars, Public Debts, and the Long Cycle’; Holsti, Kalevi J., Peace and War: Armed Conflicts and International Order, 1648–1989 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57 Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (New York: Knopf, 1948)Google Scholar; Mearsheimer, John J., The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001)Google Scholar.

58 de Jomini, Baron Antoine Henri, The Art of War (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1971 [1838])Google Scholar.

59 Basil Liddell Hart, Henry, The Strategy of Indirect Approach (London: Faber & Faber, 1946)Google Scholar.

60 Liberman, Peter, Does Conquest Pay? The Exploitation of Occupied Industrial Societies (Princeton. N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1996)Google Scholar; Brooks, Stephen, ‘The Globalization of Production and the Changing Benefits of Conquest’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 43 (1999), 646670CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brooks, Stephen, Producing Security: Multinational Corporations, Globalization & the Changing Calculus of Conflict (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ferguson, Niall, Empire: The Rise and Demise of the British World Order and the Lessons for Global Power (New York: Basic Books, 2003)Google Scholar.

61 Fieldhouse, David K., Economics and Empire 1830–1914 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1973)Google Scholar; Wolff, Richard D., The Economics of Colonialism: Britain and Kenya, 1870–1930 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1974)Google Scholar; Marseille, Jacques, Empire coloniale et capitalisme française. Histoire d'un divorce (Paris: Albin Michel, 1984)Google Scholar; Avner Offer, ‘The British Empire, 1870–1914: A Waste of Money?’ Economic History Review, 46 (1993), 215238CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ferguson, Niall, ‘The British Empire Revised: The Costs and Benefits of “Anglobalization” ’, Historically Speaking, 4 (2003), 2127CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

62 See, for example, Davis, Lance E. and Huttenback, Robert, ‘The Political Economy of British Imperialism: Measures of Benefits and Support’, Journal of Economic History, 42 (1982), 119130CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Davis, Lance E. and Huttenback, Robert, Mammon and the Pursuit of Empire: The Political Economy of British Imperialism, 1860–1912 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986)Google Scholar; Cain, Peter J. and Hopkins, Anthony G., ‘Gentlemanly Capitalism and British Expansion Overseas II: New Imperialism, 1850–1945’, Economic History Review, 40 (1987), 126CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism; Porter, Andrew, ‘The Balance Sheet of Empire, 1850–1914’, Historical Journal, 31 (1988), 685699CrossRefGoogle Scholar; O'Brien, Patrick, ‘The Costs and Benefits of British Imperialism, 1846–1914’, Past and Present, 120 (1988), 163200CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

63 Doyle, Empires.

64 Tilly, Charles, ‘War Making and State Making as Organized Crime’, in Peter Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Theda Skocpol, eds, Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 169187CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hirshleifer, Jack, ‘Conflict and Rent-seeking Success Functions: Ratio vs. Difference Models of Relative Success’, Public Choice, 63 (1989), 101112CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Olson, Mancur, ‘Dictatorship, Democracy, and Development’, American Political Science Review, 87 (1993), 567576CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 Strasburg, Paul, Violent Delinquents: A Report to the Ford Foundation from the Vera Institute of Justice (New York: Monarch Press, 1978)Google Scholar; Sullivan, Mercer L., Getting Paid: Youth Crime and Work in the Inner City (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

67 Becker, Gary S., ‘Crime and Punishment: An Economic Approach’, Journal of Political Economy, 76 (1968), 169217CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fajnzylber, Pablo, Lederman, Daniel and Loayza, Norman, ‘Crime and Victimization: An Economic Perspective’, Economia, 1 (2000), 219302Google Scholar.

68 Grieco, Joseph M., ‘Anarchy and the Limits of Cooperation: A Realist Critique of the Newest Liberal Institutionalism’, International Organization, 42 (1988), 485507CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lake, ‘Anarchy, Hierarchy, and the Variety of International Institutions’.

69 Hirshleifer, Jack, ‘Economics and Biology: Evolution, Selection, and the Economic Principle’, American Economic Review, 68 (1978), 238243Google Scholar; Hirshleifer, Jack, The Dark Side of the Force: Economic Foundations of Conflict Theory (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

70 Gartzke, Erik and Rohner, Dominic, ‘To Conquer or Compel: War, Peace, and Economic Development’ (Working Papers, University of California–San Diego, 2010)Google Scholar.

71 Andrews, Kenneth R., Trade, Plunder and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984)Google Scholar.

72 Deutsch, Karl W., ‘Medieval Unity and the Economic Conditions for an International Civilization’, Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, 10 (1944), 1835CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

73 Sawyer, P. H., The Age of the Vikings (New York: St. Martin's, 1972)Google Scholar; Jones, Gwyn, A History of the Vikings (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Kurrild-Klitgaard, Peter and Gert Tinggaard Svendsen, ‘Rational Bandits: Plunder, Public Goods, and the Vikings’, Public Choice, 117 (2003), 255272CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

74 Other factors, such as the symbolic value of territory ( Fazal, Tanisha, ‘The Informalization of Interstate War’ (paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association, San Diego, 2006)Google Scholar, or geopolitical concerns ( Spykman, Nicholas J., ‘Frontiers, Security, and International Organization’, Geographical Review, 32 (1942), 436447CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Spykman, Nicholas J., The Geography of the Peace (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1944)Google Scholar), also influence the logic of empire. Yet empire is an extremely expensive pastime if it does not pay.

75 Viner, Jacob, ‘Power vs. Plenty as Objectives of Statecraft in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, World Politics, 1 (1948), 129CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

76 See, for example, Porter, Andrew, European Imperialism, 1860–1914 (London: Macmillan, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Williams, Judith B., British Commercial Policy and Trade Expansion, 1750–1850 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972)Google Scholar; Irwin, Douglas, ‘Mercantilism as Strategic Trade Policy: The Anglo-Dutch Rivalry for the East India Trade’, Journal of Political Economy, 99 (1991), 12961314CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ward, J. R., ‘The Industrial Revolution and British Imperialism, 1750–1850’, Economic History Review, 47 (1994), 4465Google Scholar.

77 Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power on History, 1660–1783; LaFeber, Walter, The New Empire: An Interpretation of American Expansion (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1963)Google Scholar.

78 Van Alstyne, Richard, The Rising American Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960)Google Scholar; Zakaria, Fareed, From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America's World Role (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

79 All appendices are available online at: http://www.journals.cambridge.org/jps.

80 Lewis, Bernard, The Muslim Discovery of Europe (New York: W. W. Norton, 1982)Google Scholar; Lewis, Bernard, Cultures in Conflict: Christians, Muslims, and Jews in the Age of Discovery (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

81 Several studies use similar linear appropriation technologies. See, for example, Rohner, Dominic, ‘Beach Holiday in Bali or East Timor? Why Conflict Can Lead to Under- and Overexploitation of Natural Resources’, Economics Letters, 92 (2006), 113117CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

82 Hirshleifer, Jack, ‘Conflict and Rent-seeking Success Functions: Ratio vs. Difference Models of Relative Success’, Public Choice, 63 (1989), 101112CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

83 Rohner, ‘Beach Holiday in Bali or East Timor?’

84 Black, Jeremy, War: Past, Present and Future (New York: St. Martin's, 2000)Google Scholar. Few states are able to integrate military technologies effectively, while forces optimized for conventional war are at a comparative disadvantage in asymmetric conflicts. See Biddle, Stephen, ‘Assessing Theories of Future Warfare’, Security Studies, 88 (1998), 174CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

85 One could also imagine that fighting effectiveness decays in the distance between metropolis and colony: , where d = distance, or assumes a specific function, as in the gravity model: (1 − ρ) = ωd 2, where ω is exogenous.

86 All appendices are available online at: http://www.journals.cambridge.org/jps.

87 See, for example, Kahler, Decolonization in Britain and France; Snyder, Myths of Empire; Strang, David, ‘The Inner Incompatibility of Empire and Nation: Popular Sovereignty and Decolonization’, Sociological Perspectives, 35 (1992), 367384CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

88 Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism.

89 Snyder, Myths of Empire.

90 Acemoglu, Daron, ‘Why Not a Political Coase Theorem? Social Conflict, Commitment and Politics’, Journal of Comparative Economics, 31 (2003), 620652CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sørli, Mirjam E., Gleditsch, Nils Petter and Strand, Håvard, ‘Why Is There So Much Conflict in the Middle East?’ Journal of Conflict Resolution, 49 (2005), 141165CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

91 Jackson, Robert, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations, and the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Watson, Adam, The Evolution of International Society: A Comparative Historical Analysis (London: Routledge, 1992)Google Scholar.

92 For claims that democracies are imperialistic, see Haas, Michael, ‘When Democracies Fight One Another, Just What is the Punishment for Disobeying the Law?’(paper presented at the Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, 1995)Google Scholar; Galtung, The Decline and Fall of Empires; Henderson, Errol A., Democracy and War: The End of an Illusion (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2002)Google Scholar; Spruyt, Ending Empire.

93 Economic development results in higher values of αEN, αPN, ρEN, ρPN, which increases xEN, xPN, yEN, yPN, though not necessarily at the same rate. The net effect of democracy thus varies with time and development.

94 All appendices are available online at: http://www.journals.cambridge.org/jps.

95 Conybeare, John A. C., Trade Wars: The Theory and Practice of International Commercial Rivalry (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

96 These simplifying assumptions are not critical to the main results of the model.

97 We again focus on the unique interior Nash Equilibrium with , .

98 The following parameter values are used for the solid lines (they are symmetrical for both players): A = 0.16, B = 0.8, KS = 1, ψ = 0.4, , λ = 0.5, DS = 0. For the dotted lines we have A = 0.24.

99 With γ in the denominator, the reaction function (14′) is undefined when γ = 0. It makes sense to treat free trade as an absolute that is only approximated empirically (after multiple World Trade Organization rounds, trade is still not ‘free’).

100 Roger Louis, William, Imperialism at Bay: The United States and the Decolonization of the British Empire 1941–45 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

101 King, Gary and Zeng, Kangche, ‘Explaining Rare Events in International Relations’, International Organization, 55 (2001), 693715CrossRefGoogle Scholar; King, Gary and Zeng, Langche, ‘Logistic Regression in Rare Events Data’, Political Analysis, 9 (2001), 137163CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Results are equivalent using logit. A STATA ‘do’ file that replicates the analysis is available from the authors.

102 Beck, Neal, Katz, Jonathan and Tucker, Richard, ‘Taking Time Seriously: Time-series–Cross-section Analysis with a Binary Dependent Variable’, American Journal of Political Science, 42 (1998), 12601288CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 Strang, David, ‘Global Patterns of Decolonization, 1500–1987’, International Studies Quarterly, 35 (1991), 429454CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Appendix.

104 Ravlo, Hilde, Petter Gleditsch, Nils and Dorussen, Han, ‘Colonial War and the Democratic Peace’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 47 (2003), 520548CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

105 Lipset, Seymour M., ‘Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Development’, American Political Science Review, 53 (1959), 69105CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Burkhart, Ross E. and Lewis-Beck, Michael S., ‘Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis’, American Political Science Review, 88 (1994), 903910CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hegre, Håvard et al. ., ‘Toward a Democratic Civil Peace? Democracy, Political Change, and Civil War, 1816–1992’, American Political Science Review, 95 (2001), 3348Google Scholar. The close fit between GDP and energy usage weakened after the 1970s oil shocks. Since our measures therefore underreport development, estimates will tend to fall short of actual support for the hypotheses.

106 David Singer, J., Bremer, Stuart and Stuckey, John, ‘Capability Distribution, Uncertainty, and Major Power War’, in Bruce M. Russett, ed., Peace, War, and Numbers (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1972), pp.1948Google Scholar; David Singer, J., ‘Reconstructing the Correlates of War Dataset on Material Capabilities of States, 1816–1985’, International Interactions, 14 (1987), 115132CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Correlates of War Project, National Material Capabilities Data Documentation, V. 3.0. State College, Pa.: The Pennsylvania State University, http://cow2.la.psu.edu/2005.

107 Dupuy, Numbers, Predictions and War; Dupuy, Trevor N., Understanding War: History and a Theory of Combat (New York: Paragon House, 1987)Google Scholar.

108 COW provides military expenditure agues in nominal (current year) British pounds (1816–1913) and US dollars (1914–2000). We used GDP deflators available at EH.net (URL: http://eh.net/hmit/) to obtain constant (2000) dollars. See Johnston, Louis D. and Williamson, Samuel H., Economic History Services (Chicago, 2005)Google Scholar; Officer, Lawrence H., Exchange Rate Between the United States Dollar and the British Pound, 1791–2004 (Chicago, 2004)Google Scholar; Officer, Lawrence H., The Annual Real and Nominal GDP for the United Kingdom, 1086–2004 (Chicago, 2005)Google Scholar. These documents and additional information are available at: http://www.measuringworth.com/index.php.

109 A lowess regression and scatter plot of the military technology variable on GDP per capita reveals the declining marginal relationship that is assumed by the model (plot available from the authors).

110 Jaggers, Keith and Gurr., Ted R., ‘Transitions to Democracy: Tracking Democracy's “Third Wave” with the Polity III Data’, Journal of Peace Research, 32 (1995), 469482CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robert Gurr, Ted, Jaggers, Keith and Moore, Will H., ‘Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change’ (unpublished Codebook, University of Maryland, 1989)Google Scholar.

111 Oneal, John R., Russett, Bruce and Berbaum, Michael L., ‘Causes of Peace: Democracy, Interdependence, and International Organizations’, International Studies Quarterly, 47 (2003), 371393CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Oneal, John R. and Russett, Bruce, ‘The Kantian Peace: The Pacific Benefits of Democracy, Interdependence, and International Organizations’, World Politics, 52 (1999), 137CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

112 Beck, Katz and Tucker, ‘Taking Time Seriously’.

113 We also examined a regression in which we added a quadratic term for fighting technology. Both the linear (−) and exponential (+) fighting technology variables are statistically significant, but the overall effect of the two variables is negative for most values, with coefficients and means as follows: (−58.098 × 0.0190) + (149.924 × 0.0025) = −0.7346.

114 Energy Cons./Pop. and Fighting Technology are moderately correlated (r ≈ 0.3). While linear and squared terms are highly correlated, multicollinearity is not indicated, as the linear terms are statistically insignificant by themselves, the non-linear variables are significant, other variables are unaffected, and theory dictates this specification.

115 A variable coded for the proportion of territories that are colonies (colonies/(colonies + countries)) yields equivalent results.

116 We drop the Colonies variables that are highly collinear with the systemic/hegemonic development variables.

117 All models presented in this analysis have been replicated using iron and steel production in place of the energy consumption variables. In most cases, the iron and steel production variables provide an even better fit than energy consumption. However, the interaction term between iron and steel production and military technology is generally not statistically significant. All results are available from the authors.

118 Zacher, ‘The Territorial Integrity Norm’; Fazal, Tanisha, ‘State Death in the International System’, International Organization, 58 (2004), 311344CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

Supplementary material: PDF

Gartzke Supplementary Material

Gartzke Supplementary Appendices

Download Gartzke Supplementary Material(PDF)
PDF 86.6 KB