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5 Although the causes of third-party intervention – on either side – is outside the scope of this article, there exists a vast and growing literature on the motivations behind foreign intervention. See, for example, Svensson, Isak, ‘Bargaining, Bias and Peace Brokers: How Rebels Commit to Peace’, Journal of Peace Research, 44:2 (2007), pp. 177–194CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

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11 Terrorism is not included in this typology because rarely has a terrorist strategy reached the threshold of most definitions of ‘civil war’. For example, the campaigns of the Red Army Faction, Red Brigades or November 17 would not be considered ‘civil wars’ by most definitions. While bearing this in mind, however, terrorism does frequently play a prominent role in how civil wars are fought, although does so as a tactic in parallel with a conventional, guerrilla or irregular strategy. When separated from these more intense forms of violence, terrorism hardly ever reaches the intensity required for it to be described as a war.

12 Indeed, the only major difference between my typology and Kalyvas' is in terminology. Where Kalyvas has employed the term ‘systematical non-conventional warfare’, I have used ‘irregular warfare’. See Kalyvas, , The Logic of Violence in Civil WarsGoogle Scholar ; Kalyvas, ‘Warfare in Civil Wars’.

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26 To highlight this point, consider the seemingly counter-intuitive case of oil production in Angola. In Cabinda, an American oil company – Gulf Oil (later Chevron) – pumped oil for the MPLA, which in turn paid Cuban soldiers to protect the installations from CIA-funded guerrillas. Hanlon, Joseph, Beggar Your Neighbours: Apartheid Power in Southern Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), pp. 170–171Google Scholar .

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44 Frequently irregular warfare is depicted as ‘criminal, depoliticized, private, and predatory’, and this phase of the Angolan Civil War received a similar portrayal. For example, Portuguese officials described much of the violence occurring in the Angolan capital as ‘some bandits and criminals creating disorders under the names of liberation movements’. See Johnson, , ‘Violence on wane in Angola capital after 50 killed’, p. 6; Stathis N. Kalyvas, ‘“New” and “Old” Civil Wars: A Valid Distinction?’, World Politics, 54:1 (2001), p. 100Google Scholar . Also see, Marcum, , The Angolan Revolution, p. 259; Bender, ‘Kissinger in Angola: Anatomy of Failure’, pp. 79–80Google Scholar .

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57 The four camps were located in Cabinda, Salazar (N'Dalatando), Benguela and Henrique de Carvalho (Saurimo). See Mallin, Jay, Cuba in Angola (Miami: University of Miami Press, 1987), p. 4Google Scholar ; George, , The Cuban Intervention in Angola, p. 64Google Scholar . When the existing 50 Cuban instructors redeployed from Brazzaville to Luanda, their Soviet colleagues remained behind. It was intended that the Cuban instructors would take 4,800 MPLA recruits, combine the recruits with Soviet supplied weapons, and convert them into 16 infantry battalions, 25 mortar batteries and anti-aircraft units. Also see, Gunn, ‘Cuba and Angola’, pp. 72–3.

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82 Hegre, Håvard and Raleigh, Clionadh, Population Size, Concentration, and Civil War: A Geographical Disaggregated AnalysisGoogle Scholar , World Bank Policy Research Working Paper, No. 4243 (2007).

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