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Personal Law and Citizenship in India's Transition to Independence

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 January 2011

ELEANOR NEWBIGIN*
Affiliation:
School of Oriental and African Studies, Thornhaugh Street, London WC1H 0XG, UK Email: en2@soas.ac.uk

Abstract

Studies of the post-colonial state have often presented it as a structure that has fallen under the control of self-interested sections of the Indian elite. In terms of citizenship, the failure of the state to do more to realize the egalitarian promise of the Fundamental Rights, set out in the Constitution of 1950, has often been attributed to interference by these powerful elite. Tracing the interplay between debates about Hindu property rights and popular support or tolerance for the notion of individual, liberal citizenship, this paper argues that the principles espoused in the Fundamental Rights were never neutral abstractions but, long before independence, were firmly embedded in the material world of late-colonial political relations. Thus, in certain key regards, the citizen-subject of the Indian Constitution was not the individual, freed from ascriptive categories of gender or religious identity, but firmly tied to the power structures of the community governed by Hindu law.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2010

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References

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27 Kozlowski, Muslim Endowments, pp. 1–3.

28 Ibid, pp. 10–14; The use of waqf law in this developed in the Ottoman Empire during the eighteenth century in response to the state's fiscal policies but became an even more popular way of protecting a family's hold over land in the nineteenth century, with the expansion of colonial power in this region. Powers, ‘Orientalism, Colonialism and Legal History’, pp. 537–538.

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48 Mrinalini Sinha, Specters of Mother India.

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60 This would result in the gradual phasing out of the all-male coparcenary and a move to a situation in which property remained in the hands of a more nuclear family structure. Many representatives questioned this when the bill was circulated for opinion, some of them wondering whether this was a result of poor wording of the bill's provisions. See for example the opinions of the Governor of Bombay and Mr Justice Munroe of Punjab ‘Précis of opinions on the Hindu Women's Rights to Property Bill’. (NAI) GOI Home Department, Judicial F.28/25/1938.

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