^{page 199 note 1} A list of the authorities will be found at the end of this paper.

^{page 200 note 1} The author of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, particularises Nelcynda, or Neliceram; Paralia, Malabar, or Travancore; and Comari, Cape Comorin; as ὑπ τν ασιλα Πανδονα, under king Pandion. Dr. Vincent conjectures, that the king of Madura had extended his power from the eastern to the western side of the peninsula, and was master of Malabar when the fleets from India first visited the coast (vol. ii. 401). He also thinks it likely that the power of Pandion had been superseded in Malabar between the age of the Periplus and Ptolemy; for Ptolemy reckons Aii next to Limurike on the south, and takes no notice of Pandion till he is past Cape Comorin (ibid). The conjecture derives very strong support from the traditions of these countries. It may be supposed that the embassies sent by Pandion to Augustus, as noticed by classical authorities, and which there is no reason to call in question, arose out of the ambitious extension of the territories of the Pándya prince: two occurrences of this nature are noticed, one the 18th year after the death of Julius Cæsar, which reached Augustus at Tarracona; the other six years afterwards, when that prince was at Samos. Et quidem duplex erat ilia ad Augustum legatio, cujus utriusque tempus habemus exploratum; prior bello Cantabrico quam Tarracone Augustus accepit, teste Orosio (vi. 21). Secundam deinde legationem anno Varr. 734, assignat Dio (1. liv.), quo tempore Sami hyemavit Augustus. Hos vidit, ni fallor, legatos, Nicolaus Damascenus, Antiochiæ Samum, ut videtur, petentes, teste Strabone (1. xv. p. 719). Dodwell, de Ætate et Auctore Peripli Maris Erythrei, 105.

^{page 201 note 1} No notice of any of the kingdoms of the south could consistently occur in the Rámáyana. Manu speaks of the Dráviras as degraded Kshetriyas, but makes no mention of Cholas or Pándyas. Both Chola and Pándya are respectively mentioned in the Mahábhárata, but their origin is not there described. The Harivansa and Agni Purána, make Pándya, Chola, Kerala, and Kola, great-grandsons of Dushyanta, of the line of Puru, and founders of the regal dynasties named after them. The descendants of Dushyanta, however, as specified in the Vishnu Purána, do not include these personages, and their insertion seems to have been the work of the more recent authorities. The Harivansa, with no little inconsistency, places the Pándyas and Cholas amongst the Kshetriya tribes degraded by Sagara. The Padma Purána has a similar addition to the list of those tribes in the Rámáyana.

^{page 201 note 2} List of authorities, No. 1.

^{page 201 note 3} List, No. 3.

^{page 201 note 4} List, No. 2.

^{page 201 note 5} Rájá Cherití. List, No. 5.

^{page 202 note 1} Besides those comprised in the Mackenzie Collection, Buchanan has published several. (Travels in Mysore). Some of his and those of this collection are the same, having been procured at the same places.

^{page 202 note 2} Ellis and Campbell Introduction to Campbell's Telugu Grammar.

^{page 202 note 3} It is not improbable that some centuries preceded the foundation of Madura, during which the first settlers were occupied in clearing the ground and erecting habitations, and forming themselves into organised states. According to the Puránas, as estimated by Hamilton, ten centuries were thus occupied; but this seems to be more than requisite, and perhaps five would be nearer the truth, placing the first establishments in the south about one thousand years before our era.

^{page 203 note 1} The authority followed in the first part of the ensuing detail is called a translation of the Madura Purána (List of Authorities, No. 7 ); it appears to be a translation of the Tamil work called Tiruvalaiyádal, which is also designated sometimes as the Madura Purána. This is the work of Parunjoti Tamburan, a Pandaram, or Saiva priest, who is said to have written it in the reign of Hari Víra Pandyan, in the Salivahan year 973 (a.d. 1051). It relates the sixty-four miracles or frolics of Sundaréswara, the tutelary divinity of Madura; and is, in fact, but a translation or paraphrase in Tamil of a Sanskrit local legend, entitled Hálásya, said to be a section of the Skanda Purána, a source always assigned in the Dekhin to detached local compositions, to which the composers wish to affix the authority of Pauranie sanctity. The Skanda Purána being a Saiva Purána, is the ready resource of that sect, and is made the parent of a much more numerous offspring than legitimately belong to it. The Hálásya is of this description; but if the date of its Tamil representative be correctly given, it is of use in fixing that of Kuna Pándya, with whose reign it closes. The collection contains two MSS. professing to be translations of the Madura Purána: they do not exactly agree, however; and one is much more brief than the other, whence it is possibly the translation of an abridged work, the abridgement not adhering, with inviolable fidelity, to its original, as is usually the case amongst Hindú writers. The MSS. are Nos. 7 and 8 of the List of Authorities. The account of the work and its author, is from a MS. list of Tamil authors, and the catalogue of Tamil books. Another MS., No. 11, which has been also consulted, is entitled a translation of the Pándya Rájákal; the original of this is a Tamil prose work, sometimes attributed to the three most eminent of the first professors of the Madura college Narakira, Bána, and Kapila. The accuracy of this notion may be questioned, as it rests solely upon the work closing with the reign of Vamsa Churámani, under whom these writers are said to have flourished; and it is contradicted by the tenor of the last sentence, which speaks of the literary institutes first promulgated by, or exemplified by these teachers having been communicated to their disciples, and thus handed down through consecutive generations. The work itself agrees closely with the Madura Purána, and is, therefore, probably, as well as it, a branch from the same Sanskrit stem, the Hálásya Máhát'mya, which work is also in the collection, and has been compared with the translations.—Mackenzie Collection, I. p. 91, cxxi.

^{page 203 note 2} D'Anville Antiquitá Geographique, 122. Also Vincent's Periplus, ii. 443: the general identity is beyond question by its being then, as now, the scene of the pearl fishing.

^{page 203 note 3} See Journal Royal Asiatic Society, NO. V. p. 169.

^{page 205 note 1} Ἀπ δ ταύτης στν ἓτεϱος τόπος τ Κομϱ λεγόμενον. ν τόπῳ φϱούϱια στν, και λιμήν ις ν ι ονλόμενοι τν μέλλοντα αὐτοῖς χϱονον ἱεϱο γενέσϑαι, χϱοι μένουσιν ντο, κεῖ εϱχόμενοι πολούονται, τ δ᾽αὐτ κα γυναῖκες. ἱστοϱεἱται γϱ τν ϑεν κεῖ π μνας κατά τινα χϱόνον κεῖ πολελοσϑαι.

^{page 205 note 2} The traditions of the south, however, make him a more important character, and consider him as the father of Chitrángadá, the wife of Arjuna. This opinion is grounded on a section of the Sabhá Parvan of the Mahábhárat, where Sahadeva, whilst performing his military career in the Dekhin, is described as having an interview with his father-in-law Malaya Dhwaja, king of Pándya. This section, however, is perhaps peculiar to the copies of the Mahábhárat, current in the Peninsula, as it has no place in a fine copy in Devanagari character, in my possession. In the first chapter, too, it is there said that the father of Chitrángadá is Chitraváhana, king of Manipur, to which Arjuna comes on leaving Kalinga. The Telugu translation of the Adi Parvan agrees in the names of the parties, but places Manipur south of the Kávéri. How far, therefore, it is safe to identify Malaya Dhwaja with Chitraváhana, and Manipur with Madhura, must depend upon the verification of the authenticity of different copies of the Mahábhárat. The result of a careful collation of seven copies at Benares, examined at my request by Captain Fell, may be regarded as fatal to the identification, not one of them containing the section in question, or the name of Malaya Dhwaja. The Bhágavat calls the bride of Arjuna, Ulúpí, the daughter of the serpent king of Manipura.

^{page 205 note 3} The legend relates, that the princess was born with three breasts; the centre one was to disappear when she met with a suitable spouse, and, accordingly, vanished upon her encountering Sundaréswara. Images of the goddess, with three breasts, are still seen amongst the sculptures at Madura.

^{page 206 note 1} Ellis's Dissertation ou Malayalam, p. 3, note.

^{page 206 note 2} Ibid. p. 26.

^{page 206 note 3} Book x. 5.

^{page 206 note 4} The most famous place under this appellation, Subrahmanya Kshetram, or Tirt'ha, is in the province of Canara. A hill to the south of Madura, denominated, from ideas connected with this superstition, Skanda Malai, the Mount of Skanda, another name of Kártikéya, or Subrahmanya, has suffered a very curious change, Skanda Malai being converted into Sicander Malai, the hill of Secander, or Alexander. Les naturels croient que le médecin ordinaire d'Alexander le Grand y a été enterré. Langlès, ii. 11. A native account says it is the tomb of Alexander himself; an idea, no doubt, introduced by the Mohammadan Fakirs, of whom many reside on this hill, and attach a profitable sanctity to the small tomb, once a temple of Skanda, now the shrine of Secander. To the Hindús it is equally sacred, as it is said to contain in one of its caves an image of Skanda, which they go to worship.

^{page 207 note 1} This appears, however, from some accounts, to be the same as Skanda Malai (MS. No. 80), which is three or four miles south-east of Madura.

^{page 207 note 2} One account, the Rájá Cheritra, vol. vi., makes great confusion with this prince and his predecessors. It calls him Alaka, and makes him the father of Minakshi, married to Chokanath, and of Alyarasani, married to Arjuna. At the same time he is described as the son of Malaya Dhwaja, and grandson of Sundara, an order of descent very different from all the other authorities.

^{page 207 note 3} All the lists agree in inserting Vikrama's name. The translation of the Tiruvaleyádal omits him making Raja Sek'hara the sou of Abhishek'a.

^{page 209 note 1} The scene of this event is laid by the Tiruvaleyádal, in the forest Tirupúvanam, at a place dedicated to Siva, as Purána-lingam, ten miles south of Madura.

^{page 210 note 1} According to the Chola Désa Púrvika Charitra Vyakhyanam, Váraguna was the son of Balachandra Pándyan. His wife was the daughter of Kulottunga Chola. Their descendants occupied the united Pándya and Chola kingdoms, for twelve generations and five hundred and seventy years.

^{page 210 note 2} List, No. 13.

^{page 211 note 1} They are described as occurring in Tirumalla Náyak's Choltri, by MrBlackader, , Archæologia, vol. x. 457Google Scholar; and his description is translated in Langlès' Monumens de l'Hindoustan. Instead of ministers, however, Mr. Blackader calls them princes of the palace; and M. Langlès converts them into huissiers de la chambre.

^{page 212 note 1} Hamilton, 's India, vol. ii. p. 469.Google Scholar

^{page 212 note 2} Le Père Bouchet au Père ***, Lettres Edifiantes, vol. xiii. p. 126; Blackader, Archæologia, vol. x.; Daniel's Oriental Scenery; and Langlès' Monumens de l'Hindoustan, vol. ii.

^{page 213 note 1} I have already observed the Pándya-Rájákál is ascribed to them, apparently erroneously. To Narakíra is assigned the tale of Alakésa, or king of Alaká, and his four ministers; but the style is unfavourable to its supposed origin,—Tamil works being difficult in proportion to their antiquity, so that the oldest are now unintelligible to ordinary scholars.—Kindersley's Hindú Literature, p. 47.

^{page 213 note 2} In the Aranya Kándam.

^{page 214 note 1} One of these, the Agastyar Vaidya Anguru, is cited by Dr. Ainslie, Preface to the Materia Medica of Hindústán.

^{page 214 note 2} Iu a manuscript account of Agastya, in the Collection, List, No. 14, thirty-eight works attributed to him are said to be still current. His grammar is, however, said to be lost, in consequence of a curse denounced upon it by Tulagappyam, the disciple of Agastya, according to some legends. In a MS. written by an intelligent native, and already referred to under the title of Chola Púnika Charitra Vyákhyanan, it is said, that the reputed invention of the Tamil language by Agastya is very improbable, as, in the medical works uniformly ascribed to him, the style indicates a very confined possession of the language; and as to the Agastyam, or Grammatical Institutes, said to be lost, there is little reason to suppose it was ever written, as least by Agastya, as he never mentions it, although he states in his Gnyánam, or work on theology, that he has written a lack of sentences on theology, an equal number on alchemy, and two lacks on medicine. These inferences are scarcely questionable, as applied to an Agastya of, perhaps, the eighth or ninth century; but the traditions that ascribe the introduction of letters and religion amongst the people of Drávira to an earlier teacher of that name, do not seem to have originated wholly in imagination.

^{page 214 note 3} Ellis on the Málayálam Language, p. 26.

^{page 215 note 1} With whom the Pándya Rájakál closes, as observed above. So does the translation of the Tiruvaleyádal; but the original descends to Kuna Pándyan, as does the Hálásya, filling up the interval, however, with mere names. MS., No. 8, gives the substance of their contents.

^{page 215 note 2} Life of Mánikyavásaka, MSS. No. 15; List of Tamil Authors, HISS. No. 9; Vadur Sthala Máhátmyam; Mackenzie Collection, vol. i. p. 201.Google Scholar

^{page 216 note 1} Sonnerat's Voyages.

^{page 216 note 2} Account of Tamil Works, No. 9; and List of Tamil Authors, No. 10.

^{page 216 note 3} Life of Mánikyavásaka.

^{page 216 note 4} List of Tamil Authors, No. 10.

^{page 216 note 5} Wilks, on the Authority of a MS. in the Mackenzie Collection, calls him a Pándaram, or Sudra priest of Siva, (vol. i. p. 156)Google Scholar. This does not appear, however, from any of the MSS. consulted on the present occasion. Gnyána Samandar Charitra, Mackenzie Collection, vol. i. p. 203Google Scholar, App. xix.

^{page 216 note 6} They are joint authors of the Tévaram, hymns in honour of Siva.

^{page 217 note 1} The earliest Jaina inscriptions of an authentic character that have been found are those of kings of Húmchi, dated Salivahana 804, 819, 820, &c. To them succeed the grants of the Belal kings in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

^{page 217 note 2} Account of the Madura Sangattár, vol. 16.

^{page 217 note 3} St. Thomé. Possibly, therefore, something of an attempt to propagate Christianity is here blunderingly and imperfectly narrated.

^{page 217 note 4} Asiatic Researches, vol. vii.; Dr. John on the Life and Writings of Avayar.

^{page 218 note 1} As Gnyána Samandar; Appa and Sundara, above noticed; Avayar herself, and Kamban, the translator of the Rámáyan.

^{page 218 note 2} It is detailed at length by Dr. John.

^{page 218 note 3} Extracts from the Tiruvalavar Kadal, or Ocean of Tiruvalavar.—Kindersley's Hindú Literature. See also Extracts from the same, or Tiruvalavar Koral, by Mr. Ellis; Mackenzie Collection, vol. i. p. 232.Google Scholar

^{page 219 note 1} Some of the traditions of the Jainas assert, that Chamunda Raya, who erected the image of Gomatéswara, was minister of Raksha Malla, a king of Madura, in the year of Kali 600. This account is rendered suspicious by the antiquity of the date, even if we suppose the Kali, or fifth age of the Jainas, to be intended, by which the date will be reduced to about thirty years b.c.Besides, in the published account of this place and image by Colonel Mackenzie, the country of the minister and king is not mentioned (A. R. vol. ix. p. 262), except in a general way, as lying in the south. Chamunda Raya, in another place, is called a king of one of the Chola or Belala races (p. 246). There is nothing in the local traditions of Madura to warrant the assertion. The princes of the name of Malla, it may be observed, reigned in the Carnatic and Mysore in the eleventh and twelfth centuries; and an inscription of a grant by Raksha Malla, printed in the Asiatic Researches (vol. ix.), is dated Sal. 1090, or a.d.1173 (p. 431).

^{page 219 note 2} In an account of the Gopuram of the Bauddha temple at Púdcovaily, this lady is named Mengayakarasi, and called the daughter of Kerikála Chola, who ruled, it is said, a.d.478.

^{page 220 note 1} Account of the Gnyana Siva Áchárís, MSS. No. 17. Colonel Wilks, as observed before, identifies these with the Pándararas, or Jangamas, but this is very questionable. They do not seem to be known as a religious order abore the Ghats. In the Carnatic the name has been adopted within the last fifty years, I understand, by a set of Saiva teachers, who officiate as the priests of the blacksmith caste.

^{page 220 note 2} Mons. Langlès (Monumens de l'Hindoustan, vol. i. p. 98) observes of Kuna Pándyan, that his expulsion of the Samaneans must have happened after the middle of the twelfth century. His authority is the History of the Danish Missions; and the grounds of the estimate are not stated. The same work says Kuna Pándyan was the three hundred and fifty-ninth king of a dynasty of three hundred and sixty-two; it seems, therefore, that the compilers of the Danish History, have had no better guides than those we have access to, and that, consequently, no particular weight attaches to their deductions.

^{page 221 note 1} Account of the Pándya Rájás who reigned at Madurapuri, No. 28. See List, No. 1, series 2.

^{page 221 note 2} The Kásí Khanda of the Skanda Purána, the Kurma and Linga Puránas, and the Naishadha.—List of Tamil Authors.

^{page 222 note 1} Konga Désá Rájá Cheritram, translated from the Tamil, 18.

^{page 222 note 2} List, No. 1, series 3.

^{page 222 note 3} Scott, 's History of the Dekhin, Introduction, p. xiii.Google Scholar

^{page 222 note 4} Ibid. vol. i. p. 42.

^{page 223 note 1} As late as the reign of Vira Narasimha (1149 to 1172).

^{page 223 note 2} Toward the end of the thirteenth century, Marco Polo calls the king of that part of the Peninsula opposite to Ceylon, and the site of the pearl fishery, Sender Bandi. Il (Re) principale che è capo della provincia si chiama Sender Bandi, nel suo regno si pescano le perle. Marsden conjectures Chandra Bandi may be understood to signify the “slave or servant of the moon,” 627, note 1257; but the Madura records furnish us with a much more obvious derivation. The king Sender Bandi may possibly be the Chandra Pándi, or Pándya of the text. If this is not thought satisfactory, it may be a slight corruption of the hereditary title of the prince of Marwar, in whose boundaries the pearl fishery lies, and who has been for a long period past entitled the Sétu Pati, or Lord of the Bridge; the ridge of rocks between Rameswar and Manar.

^{page 223 note 3} One account (Sketch of Madura History, No. 19) says, the country was governed from 1370 to 1402 by Mysore viceroys, when two chiefs, named Ellakana and Mathuna, held it till 1448; then resigning it to a prince of the old dynasty. That the Mysore or Belala princes exercised a supremacy over Pándya, is unquestionable, but it must have been earlier than the period here mentioned, as by the first date (1370) the Belala power had been overturned. The authority exercised by them and the Vijayanagar kings, too, did not, probably, involve the removal of the native princes; and this probability is converted into certainty, as far as affects the latter, by the appearance of inscriptions in the name of Víra Pándyan, one of which is dated 1402 Sal., in the fifth year of his reign, and a subsequent one in the fifteenth, or Sal. 1412 (a.d.1490); a short time, therefore, before the final eradication of his family.

^{page 224 note 1} General History of the Kings of Rámnád, or the Setu Pati Samasthánam, 20; Memoir of the Setu Pati, 21.

^{page 225 note 1} Hamilton, , vol. ii. p. 473.Google Scholar

^{page 225 note 2} Mutiah's History of the Náyakas of Madura, 22.

^{page 225 note 3} The state of the countries, and the characters of their Collaries and their other inhabitants, are well described in Orme's History; and their unaltered condition, at a period a little subsequent, is concisely and clearly described by Fullarton. The extent and dreary aspect of the thickets, as well as the ferocious manners of the people, are also the subject of frequent and interesting description by the members of the Catholic missions, which were sent to this part of India between the end of the seventeenth and the middle of the eighteenth century. See Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, vols. x. to xv. The Collars have several peculiar customs contrary to those of the Hindús, particularly the frequency of remarrying allowed to the women, either upon voluntary separation from their husbands, or their death. This custom exists with very few exceptions (MS. Accounts of the Collaries, 25, 26). The pre-eminent power and stability of the tondiman, as, the principal Poligar chief is called, has introduced a bias to Hindú habits; and his wives having sometimes been known to sacrifice themselves on the funeral pile, the fashion has gained ground in his dominions. The Collars are chiefly worshippers of Siva and Kálí. They are not very rigid in their diet, drinking spirits and eating flesh and fish. The lax observance of the Hindú practices, which prevailed formerly amongst these tribes to a greater extent than at present, may partly furnish a reason to believe that the extensive proselytism effected by the Madura missionaries in these districts was not altogether a fiction. It appears, indeed, that amongst the thirty thousand Christians under the Madura mission, was included a considerable portion of the calaris, or thieves. “Je me mis sous la conduite de ce guide qui me fit bientôt quitter le grand chemin pour entrer dans le pays de la caste des voleurs. On la nomme ainsi parce que ceux qui la composent faisoient autrefois métier de voler sur les grands chemins. Quoique la plupart de ces gens-là se soient faits Chrétiens, et qu'ils ayent aujourd'hui horreur de l'ombre même du vol, ils ne laissent pas de retenir leur ancien nom, et les voyageurs n'osent encore passer par leurs forêts. Les premiers missionaires de Maduré furent assez heureux de gagner l'estime de cette caste de sorte qu'à present il n'y a guères de lieu, ou nous soyons mieux recus et plus en sureté que dans leurs bois.”— Du Père Martin au Père le Govien, Décembre 1700, vol. x. p. 160.

^{page 227 note 1} The materials for the history of the Náyaks of Madura, although not very-full, are, as far as they extend, satisfactory. They are, 1. A History of the Modern Kings of Madura, by Triuvercadu Mutiah, an ingenious native of the Carnatic, an amusing account of whose studies, written by himself, is published in the Asiatic Annual Register, for 1801; 2. A History of the Telugu Rulers of Madura, translated by Mr. Wheatley from the Tamil; and, 3. A Sketch of the History of Madura, to the reign of Trimal Náyak, Nos. 19, 22, 23. A fourth account (24) is confined to the affairs of the descendants of Vijaya Ranga Choka Nát'h, who died in 1731. It is drawn up by the representative of the family, Vijaya Kumára Viswanát'h Bhangaru Trimala Náyak, the great grandson of the last Náyak of Madura.

^{page 228 note 1} Established as an independent state in 1489 by Yúsuf Adil Khán—Scott, , vol. i. p. 207.Google Scholar

^{page 228 note 2} Although the two histories agree in the main facts, they differ considerably in the details, and especially in the chronology. Mutiah's account places Viswanáth's accession, a.d.1560, the other, a.d.1431. The former of these best agrees with Krishna Raya's date, and with the previous history of Madura: it may be about forty years too modern. Mutiah's history enumerates but eleven princes between 1560 and 1742, or one hundred and eighty-two years; the other names fourteen princes in three hundred and seven years,—the former giving about seventeen, the latter twenty-two years to a reign. But this proportion is too much, as three of the fourteen princes are three brothers who reigned consecutively, and the average of whose reigns could not, therefore, have exceeded half this number. We shall have a more probable result, if we suppose the number ef princes to be, including Nágama, fifteen, and the number of years two hundred and twenty-two, from 1520 (for Krishna Kaya ruled from 1509 to 1530) to 1742, which will give us something less than fifteen years to a reign. Colonel Wilks says, the dynasty of the Náyaks of Madura was founded by Nagana Naid (or Naik) about 1532, in the reign of Achyuta Deva, with the aid of a colony of Telingas, which seems to have been planted in the country some time before by the government of Vijayanagar. The descendants of those are the Poligars of the present day, who are undoubtedly of Telinga, not Tamil, origin (vol. i. p. 54, note). Their introduction is differently stated in the authorities followed in the text.

^{page 232 note 1} Blackader's Account of the Buildings at Madura, Archeologia, vol. x. Views of the Choltri, &c. have been given by Daniel, aud Langlès' Monumens de L'Hindoustan.

^{page 232 note 2} It must have been in the early part of this reign that the Portuguese Jesuits, under Robert de Nobilibus, established the Madura mission, although a liberal benefactor to the Brahmans; therefore, Tirumalla Náyak could not have been a bigot. There were two Christian churches in the city of Madura.—Lettres Edifiante, xiii. 130.

^{page 232 note 3} As Denaikan-cotta, Satyamangal, and other ta'alluks.—Wilks, , i. 54Google Scholar. These aggressions are dated 1653 in the History of Mysore, but, as it is said, they were taken from Virapa, Naik of Madura; and, as the character of this prince renders such an event probable, it is most likely that Colonel Wilks's date is a few years erroneous.

^{page 233 note 1} Mutiah's History. The fact is confirmed by the Lettres Edifiantes. One, dated 1719, observes of the Christian Churches at Madura,—Ces Eglises furent tout à fait renversés lorsque la ville fut prise et ruinée en partie par le Roi de Mayssur. Vol. xiii. p. 131.

^{page 233 note 2} Wilks, , i. 58.Google Scholar

^{page 233 note 3} This is rather differently narrated in the Pratapa Vamsavali Bhosla. There it is said the Prince of Trichanapali applied to Shahoji for assistance against Vijaya Ragliava, prince of Tanjore. That Shahoji enabled the Rájá of Trichanapali to repel his enemy and capture Tanjore, but that he'then appropriated the conquest to himself, expelling his ally from the country, and leaving it under the administration of his son, Eekaji.

^{page 233 note 4} Wilks, , i. 78.Google Scholar

^{page 234 note 1} Mutiah's History.

^{page 234 note 2} “Cette Princesse Mangamal, qui est comme dépositaire de la couronne, fait élever avec un grand soin son petit fils, prince agé de quatorze ou quinze ans, à qui le royaume appartient, et confie, cependant, tout le gouvernement de l'état au Talavay, ou Prince Régent.”—Lettres Edifiantes, x. 171Google Scholar. The letter is dated Avour, in the kingdom of Madura, 11 Dec. 1700.

^{page 234 note 3} Mutiah says 1734, Orme (1, 38), 1736; but our date is confirmed by MSS. 24, which, as a family account of such recent events, seems to be the best authority.