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² For example, Cipolla, Carlo, Guns, Sails, and Empires: Technological Innovation and the Early Phases of European Expansion (New York, 1965).Google Scholar

³ The standard account in English of this conquest (to 1800) is Birmingham, David, Trade and Conflict in Angola (London, 1966)Google Scholar. The most detailed account is now Graziano Saccardo, Congo e Angola con la storia dell'antica missione dei Cappuccini, 3 vols. (Venice, 1982–1983)Google Scholar. Also see Delgado, Ralph, História de Angola, 2d ed., 4 vols. (Lobito, 1972).Google Scholar

⁴ The most detailed version is the account written in 1492 by Rui de Pina, Portuguese royal archivist, after an inquest of members of the expedition. Only an early sixteenth-century Italian translation is extant, reproduced photographically in Faria, Francisco Leite da, “Uma relaçāo de Rui de Pina sobre o Congo escrita em 1492,” Studia, 19 (1966)Google Scholar, fols. 97^ra–98^va (foliation of original manuscript, much of which is transcribed and translated in the text of introduction). De Pina later used this to write his Crónica del rei D. Joham (^ca. 1515); the relevant section is reproduced in António Brāsio, Monumenta Missionaria Africana, 1st ser., 14 vols. (Lisbon, 1952–1985), I, 133–36.Google Scholar

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⁶ See, for a recent example, Hilton, Anne, The Kingdom of Kongo (London, 1985), 50–68 et passim.Google Scholar

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⁸ Consider his early activities as reported in a letter of Simōes, Garcia, 20 October 1575, in Brāsio, Monumenta, III, 140–43.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ Pigafetta, , Relazione, 21.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Afonso to His People, ca. 1512 in Brāsio, Monumenta I: 269. This letter was actually written in Portugal but based on earlier letters from Afonso, probably written between 1506 and 1509.

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¹⁸ Montecuccolo, Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi de, “Missione Evangelica dei PP. Capuccini nel Regno di Congo” (1665–1668), vol. A, bk. 1, 103–4Google Scholar, manuscript in the possession of Dr. Carlo Araldi, Modena. I have prepared a critical edition and English translation of Cavazzi's account with financial assistance from the National Endowment for the Humanities. A microfilm copy of the original manuscript is at Alderman Library, University of Virginia, and the Graduate Research Library, University of Califomia, Los Angeles. See also “Anon. account of travels … of de Massiac,” in Brāsio, Monuments, XII, 255.Google Scholar

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³⁶ Cadornega, , História, III, 235–49.Google Scholar

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³⁸ Ibid., I, 404.

³⁹ Cavazzi, , “Missione Evangelica,” vol. A, bk. 3, 30–31.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Cadomega, , História, I, 33Google Scholar. Earlier writers also called these “squadrons” by another name, embalos. Cf. “Baltasar Barreira to Provincial of Brazil, 27 August 1575,” in Brāsio, Monumenta, III, 323Google Scholar; “Diogo da Costa letter, 31 May 1586,” in Brāsio, Monumenta, III, 336.Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ Law, Robin, The Horse in West African History (London, 1980).Google Scholar

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⁵⁵ Ibid., 11, 282–83.

⁵⁶ Cavazzi, , “Mission Evangelica,” vol. A, bk. 3, 30–1.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ “Regimento to Bento Banha Cardoso, 1626,” in Fontes, Heintze, , ed., 205.Google Scholar

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⁹⁹ Cavazzi, , lstorica Descrizione, bk. 6, para. 31.Google Scholar

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⁹³ Rodrigues did carry two bombards with him in 1509 (see note 85), but as this war was to be carried out against islands, it is likely that they were to be ship-borne artillery rather than siege engines.

⁹⁴ Cadomega, , História, I, 182.Google Scholar

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⁹⁶ Pigafetta, , Relazione, 23.Google Scholar

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⁹⁹ Pigafetta, , Relazione, 23.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁵ Cadornega, , História, I, 131–32, 134, 180–81, 347, 406Google Scholar et passim; de Sousa, "Relatório," in Fontes, Heintze, ed., 333, which cites quantities of firearms in African hands opposing the Portuguese. It is worth noting, however, that firearms did eventually become the general missile weapon in Angola at some point in the last years of the seventeenth or early eighteenth century, a process that seems to have been taking place in other parts of Africa as well. See, for example, Kea, Ray, Settlements, Trade, and Polities in the Seventeenth-Century Gold Coast (Baltimore, 1982), 160–64.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Cadornega, , História, I, 134Google Scholar. The Portuguese had adopted the cotton armor for their own use earlier. Baltasar Alfonso mentions it in his letter of 9 October 1577, (Brāsio, , Monumenta, III, 157)Google Scholar, and Dias de Novaes requested 300 additional suits of “corpos darmas de algodāo” (suits of cotton armor) in 1584 (“Memorial of Paulo Dias de Novaes, 31 October 1584,” in Brāsio, Monumenta, III, 286). A more detailed description of Portuguese armor is found in Pigafetta, Relazione, 23.Google Scholar

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