^{page 1 note 2} Mantoux, Paul, The Industrial Revolution in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1928).Google Scholar

^{page 1 note 3} Ashton, T.S., The Industrial Revolution, 1760–1830 (Oxford, 1948).Google Scholar

^{page 1 note 4} Roll, E., An early Experiment in Industrial Organisation, being a History of the Firm of Boulton and Watt, 1775–1805 (London, 1930).Google Scholar

^{page 1 note 5} Robinson, E., ‘Boulton and Fothergill, 1762–1782, and the Birmingham Export of Hardware’, Univ. of Birmingham Hist. Journal, vii. I (1959),Google Scholar and ‘Eighteenth Century Commerce and Fashion: Matthew Boulton's Marketing Techniques’, Econ[omic] Hist[ory] Rev[iew], 2nd Series, xvi. I (1963).Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 1} Schumpeter, Joseph A., The Theory of Economic Development (Harvard Univ. Press, 1934), ch. IV, pp. 128–56.Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 2} Rostow, W.W., The Stages of Economic Growth (Cambridge, 1960), p. 50.Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 3} Wilson, Charles, ‘The Entrepreneur in the Industrial Revolution in Britain’, History, xlii (1957), pp. 101–17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 2 note 4} Youngson, A.J., Possibilities of Economic Progress (Cambridge, 1959), pp. 60,Google Scholar 279–80.

^{page 2 note 5} Cole, Arthur H., ‘An Approach to the Study of Entrepreneurship’, Journal of Econ[omic] Hist[ory], vi (1946), pp. 1–15;Google Scholar reprinted in Enterprise and Secular Change, ed. Lane, F.C. and Riemersma, J.C. (London, 1953), pp. 181–95.Google Scholar See also Professor Cole's emphasis of the importance of entrepreneurial history in Business Enterprise in its Social Setting (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), p. xiii:Google Scholar ‘In fact, if economics takes on an evolutionary cast, there seems no area so central for the handling of economic change—stagnation and decline as well as growth—with all the relevant factors brought into the models, as entrepreneurial history … ’ For a further discussion of the importance of the entrepreneur and of business history, cf. Supple, B.E., ‘The Uses of Business History’, Business History, iv. 2 (06 1962), pp. 81–90;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Francis E. Hyde, ‘Economic Theory and Business History, A Comment on the Theory of Profit Maximisation ’, ibid., v. 1 (Dec. 1962), pp. 1–10; and Peter L. Payne, ‘The Uses of Business History: A Contribution to the Discussion’, ibid., v. 1, pp. 11–21.

^{page 2 note 6} Rostow, op. cit., p. 13.

^{page 3 note 1} Youngson, op. cit., p. 280.

^{page 3 note 2} Evans, G. Herberton, Jun., Journal of Econ. Hist., xix. 2 (06 1959), pp. 250–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 3 note 3} Mathias, P., ‘The Entrepreneur in Brewing, 1700–1830’, The Entrepreneur. Papers presented at the Annual Conference of the Econ. Hist. Soc. at Cambridge, England, Apr. 1, 1957 (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), pp. 32–40.Google Scholar

^{page 3 note 4} History, xlii, pp. 101–17.

^{page 3 note 5} Largely under the stimulus of Arthur H. Cole, the Record Center in Entrepreneurial History was established in 1948 and has had a greater impact on the ideas of entrepreneurial historians than any other institution. For a survey of its work and the whole field of American business history, cf. Supple, B.E., ‘American Business History—A Survey’, Business History, i. 2 (06 1959), pp. 63–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 3 note 6} Those involved in the later stages of the Industrial Revolution have been more fortunate, and there are some excellent case-book studies of their rôles. For example, Liverpool University Press alone has published in the last few years business histories by Francis E. Hyde, William Woodruff, Eric M. Sigsworth, Sheila Marriner, and P. L. Payne which all bear witness to the importance of the entrepreneur.

^{page 4 note 1} History, xlii, p. 107.

^{page 5 note 1} McKendrick, Neil, ‘Josiah Wedgwood: An Eighteenth Century Entrepreneur in Salesmanship and Marketing Techniques’, Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Series, xii. 3 (04 1960), pp. 408–33;CrossRefGoogle Scholar reprinted in Essays in Econ. Hist., ed. Carus-Wilson, E.M. (London, 1962), iii, pp. 353–79.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 2} Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Series, xii. 3, p. 432; Essays in Econ. Hist., iii, p. 378.

^{page 5 note 3} Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Series, xii. 3, p. 432, n. 4; Essays in Econ. Hist., iii, p. 378, n. 238.

^{page 6 note 1} Robinson, Dwight E., ‘The Economics of Fashion Demand’, Quarterly Journal oj Economics, lxxv (08 1961), pp. 395–96.Google Scholar

^{page 6 note 2} ibid., p. 397.

^{page 8 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 6 Feb. 1776: ‘I am now receiving your good letters of the 18th, 20th, 24th, 27th, 28th and 31st past’.

^{page 8 note 2} Epitaphs are not the best guide to a man's abilities, but the mere fact that epitaphs for Bentley were composed by men of the distinction of Dr Erasmus Darwin, Thomas Day, Joseph Priestley, and James ‘Athenian’ Stuart is perhaps significant. Day spoke of his being ‘celebrated for reviving the beautiful simplicity of antiquity with a rare and happy union of taste and judgement’. Darwin spoke of his ‘warm and brilliant imagination chastised by a correct and classic taste’; Priestley wrote of his being distinguished by … ‘a taste correct and liberal’; Dr Enfield said that ‘by his inventive genius and elegant taste, cultivated by a variety of science, he largely contributed, in conjunction with Mr Josiah Wedgwood, to the advancement of the fine arts’. They all spoke, too, of his other qualities, and although epitaphs are ‘commonly panegyrical’, the final version was a rare tribute coming from such a group of distinguished men. It read as follows: ‘Blest with an elevated and comprehensive understanding, informed in a variety of science, he possessed a warm and brilliant imagination, a pure and elegant taste. His extensive abilities, guided by the most expanded philanthropy, were employed in forming and executing plans for the public good. He thought with the freedom of a philosopher. He acted with the integrity of a virtuous citizen’ (W.MSS, J.W. Commonplace Book I, pp. 187–90).

^{page 9 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., postmark 30 Aug. [1774].

^{page 10 note 1} Wedgwood was always willing to take effective disciplinary action. Of one girl painter, working under Bentley at the Chelsea works, he wrote: ‘if she does not chuse to do her duty, I shall be in town soon and will endeavour to oblige’ (W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 4 Nov. 1777). Cf. McKendrick, Neil, ‘Josiah Wedgwood and Factory Discipline’, Historical Journal, iv. I (1961), pp. 30–55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 10 note 2} McKendrick, Neil, ‘Josiah Wedgwood: Industrial Pioneer’, The House of Whitbread (Winter 1957–1958), pp. 9–10.Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 3} He was indentured in 1746 to a wholesale merchant engaged in the wool and cotton trades at Manchester and for the next seven years underwent a training in accounts. Later, in 1754, he became a general merchant in King Street, Liverpool, and opened a partnership with Samuel Boardman (not James Boardman as Miss Meteyard says. James was Samuel's son, and the author of a brief memoir of Bentley).

^{page 10 note 4} He took advantage of the restoration of European peace by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle to visit both France and Italy in 1753. He did not go abroad again until 1776.

^{page 10 note 5} He enjoyed a much longer and more thorough education than Wedgwood. At the age of seven he went- to the Presbyterian Collegiate Academy at Finderne, about five miles from Derby. It was there that he acquired his linguistic and classical background.

^{page 11 note 1} For the full details of this circle, cf. , R.B., Thomas Bentley, 1730–80, of Liverpool, Etruria and London (Guildford, 1927), pp. 10–18Google Scholar and passim.

^{page 11 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B.

^{page 11 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 14 Feb. 1767.

^{page 11 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B.

^{page 12 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 2 [June 1768].

^{page 12 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 20 Feb. 1771.

^{page 12 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B.

^{page 12 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 3 Apr. 1773.

^{page 12 note 5} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 26 June 1773. There is another such reference in W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 19 Nov. 1769, in which Wedgwood refers to ‘the L'Argent’.

^{page 12 note 6} They were not always misspelt. Wedgwood used and spelt correctly the phrase ‘quantum sufficit’ in a letter to Bentley in 1769 (W.MSS).

^{page 13 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to John Wedgwood, 11 Mar. 1765.

^{page 13 note 2} McKendrick, Neil, ‘Wedgwood and his Friends’, Horzion, i. 5 (1959), pp. 88–97,Google Scholar 128–30; Bronowski, J. and Mazlish, Bruce, The Western Intellectual Tradition (London, 1960),Google Scholar ch. 18.

^{page 14 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 20 Sept. 1779.

^{page 14 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., postmark 21 June [1773].

^{page 14 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 21 Nov. 1773.

^{page 15 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 20 Feb. 1771.

^{page 15 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 8 Nov. 1766.

^{page 15 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., [Nov. 1766].

^{page 15 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 22 Mar. 1772. Wedgwood occasionally dropped into imitation negro speech in his letters to Bentley.

^{page 16 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 22 Mar. 1772.

^{page 16 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 28 Mar. 1772.

^{page 16 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 15 Jan. 1775.

^{page 16 note 4} Quarterly Journal of Economics, lxxv, p. 396.Google Scholar

^{page 17 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 1 Oct. 1769.

^{page 17 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 3 Sept. 1770.

^{page 17 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 7 Mar. 1772.

^{page 18 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 6 Nov. 1768.

^{page 18 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 14 Feb. 1767.

^{page 18 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., [Nov. 1766 ?].

^{page 18 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., [Mar. 1772].

^{page 19 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 7 Mar. 1779.

^{page 19 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 6 Nov. 1768.

^{page 19 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 31 Oct. 1768. The italics are mine.

^{page 19 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 13 Sept. 1769.

^{page 19 note 5} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 19 and 20 Sept. 1772.

^{page 19 note 6} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 21 and 22 Apr. 1771.

^{page 19 note 7} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 26 Oct. 1771.

^{page 19 note 8} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., Feb. 1769.

^{page 19 note 9} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 20 June [1770]. His ambitions were quite the equal of Matthew Boulton's famous aims. He would have agreed with Boulton's boast to James Watt: ‘It would not be worth my while to make for three countries only; but I find it well worth my while to make for the whole world’ (Birmingham, Assay Office Library: Matthew Boulton to James Watt, 7 Feb. 1769).

^{page 19 note 10} Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Series, xii. 3, p. 429.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 11} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 14 Aug. 1773.

^{page 19 note 12} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., postmark 22 Nov. 1773.

^{page 19 note 13} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 15 Mar. 1786.

^{page 19 note 14} W.MSS, T.B. to J.W., 18 Oct. 1776. Once again it is difficult to be sure which of the partners arrived at such decisions. Some of the examples quoted above are from Wedgwood's own letters, but judging from the frequency with which he asked for advice, much of the information must have come from Bentley.

^{page 20 note 1} Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Series, xii. 3, pp. 426–27.Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 2} Ibid. Another example of Bentley's contribution is Wedgwood's remark: ‘I … give you joy upon your visit from the Imperial ambassador and its possible consequences’ (W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 21 July 1779).

^{page 20 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 17 July 1777.

^{page 20 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 17 July 1777.

^{page 20 note 5} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 22 Dec. 1770, and 2 June 1767.

^{page 20 note 6} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 5 Dec. 1771.

^{page 20 note 7} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., [Mar. 1772].

^{page 21 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 8 Oct. 1780.

^{page 21 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 17 [Feb.] 1778.

^{page 21 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 20 Aug. 1770.

^{page 21 note 4} Ibid., loc. cit.

^{page 22 note 1} Meteyard, Eliza, The Life of Josiah Wedgwood (London, 1865), i, pp. 368–69.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 2} Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Series, xii. 3, pp. 408–33,Google Scholar passim; Robinson, Dwight E., ‘The Styling and Transmission of Fashions historically considered’, Journal of Econ. Hist., xx. 4 (12. 1960), pp. 576–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 22 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 8 and 10 Nov. 1766.

^{page 22 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 2 Aug. 1770. Cf. Meteyard, op. cit., ii, pp. 176–77.

^{page 23 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 19 June 1779.

^{page 23 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., Feb. 1769.

^{page 23 note 3} , R.B., Thomas Bentley, 1730–80, … (Guildford 1927), p. 38.Google Scholar Cf. also ‘Diary of Mrs Delaney’, 7 June 1774; quoted in Williamson, G.C., The Imperial Russian Dinner Service (London, 1909), pp. 34–35.Google Scholar

^{page 23 note 4} Meteyard, op. cit., ii, p. 175.

^{page 23 note 5} Lister, R., Great Craftsmen (London, 1962), p. 115.Google Scholar

^{page 24 note 1} W.MSS, T.B. to J.W. 21 June 1769. Bentley, too, used negro speech.

^{page 24 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 14 Mar. 1778.

^{page 24 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 17 Apr. 1771.

^{page 24 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 6 Apr. [1772].

^{page 24 note 5} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 26 June 1773.

^{page 24 note 6} McKendrick, Neil, ‘The Discovery of Pompeii and Herculaneum and the Rise of Neo-Classical Taste’, Horizon, iv. 4 (03. 1962), pp. 42–69.Google Scholar

^{page 24 note 7} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 1 Dec. 1769: ‘We will shift a while without Count Caylus, because he will cost us money. But as I am to pay for the copy Lord Cathcart subscribed for, you have certainly a right to enquire after it’.

^{page 24 note 8} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 18 Apr. 1772.

^{page 25 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 11 Apr. 1772.

^{page 25 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 11 Apr. 1772.

^{page 25 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 11 Apr. 1772.

^{page 25 note 4} Larkin, Philip, The Less Deceived (Hessle, 1955), p. 27.Google Scholar

^{page 25 note 5} History, xlii, pp. 109–10.Google Scholar

^{page 26 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B. (the italics are mine). And again: ‘I should be governed entirely by your advice … and whatever you incline to do … I shall cheerfully acquiesce … ’ (W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 17 Feb. 1779).

^{page 26 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 28 Dec. 1769; J.W. to T.B., 13 Mar. 1774.

^{page 26 note 3} Lane, Arthur, Wedgwood Bicentenary Exhibition, 1759–1959 (London, 1959), Introduction, p. 6.Google Scholar

^{page 26 note 4} Macht, Carol, Classical Wedgwood Designs (New York, 1957),Google Scholar passim.

^{page 26 note 5} W.MSS, T.B. to J.W., 21 June 1769.

^{page 27 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 14 Nov. 1773, no 2 (i.e the second letter from J.W. to T.B. that day).

^{page 27 note 2} Quarterly Journal of Economics, lxxv, p. 398.Google Scholar

^{page 27 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., Jan. 1770; quoted in Journal of Econ. Hist., xx. 4, p. 583.Google Scholar

^{page 27 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 25 June 1773. Wedgwood's eagerness for this information is confirmed by another letter in which he wrote: ‘the sooner you look out your parcels for Germany … the better that we may know the weak side of your stock, and prepare to strengthen it’ (J.W. to T.B., 5 Dec. 1771).

^{page 28 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., postmark 10 Apr. [1775].

^{page 28 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 28 Mar. 1778.

^{page 28 note 3} Ibid., loc. cit.

^{page 28 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 1772, and 19 Nov. 1769.

^{page 28 note 5} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., Aug. 1772.

^{page 29 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 20 Dec. 1772.

^{page 29 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 20 Dec. 1772.

^{page 29 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 4 Oct. 1777.

^{page 29 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., endorsed by T.B. ‘27 Oct. 1777’.

^{page 29 note 5} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 4 June [1770].

^{page 29 note 6} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 10 July 1777.

^{page 29 note 7} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 21 June 1777.

^{page 30 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 24 Mar. 1777.

^{page 30 note 2} Ibid., loc. cit.

^{page 30 note 3} Ibid., loc. cit.

^{page 30 note 4} For a fuller discussion of this point, see Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Series, xii. 3, pp. 409–12.Google Scholar

^{page 30 note 5} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 5 Aug. 1772.

^{page 31 note 1} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 23 Aug. 1772.

^{page 31 note 2} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 31 Aug. 1772.

^{page 31 note 3} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 8 July 1774.

^{page 31 note 4} W.MSS, J.W. to T.B., 6 Aug. 1775.

^{page 32 note 1} Beales, H.L., The Industrial Revolution, 1750–1850, an Introductory Essay (London, 1958 edn with a new introductory essay; first published in 1928), p. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 1} Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Series, xii. 3, pp. 408–33;Google Scholar Essays in Econ. Hist., iii, pp. 353–79.Google Scholar