¹ MacPherson, C. B., Property: mainstream and critical positions (Oxford, 1978), p. 1Google Scholar.

² For a general bibliography of changing British definitions of property, see Aylmer, G. E., ‘“Property” in seventeenth-century England”, Past and Present, LXXXVI (1980), 87–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar: for the controversial argument that an individualist attitude to property ownership in Britain goes back to the thirteenth century, see Macfarlane, Alan, The origins of English individualism (Oxford, 1978)Google Scholar, ch IV and passim.

³ MacPherson, , Property, p. 2Google Scholar: MacPherson is consciously echoing Morris Cohen, see ibid. p. 159.

⁴ Hay, Douglas, Linebaugh, Peter, Rule, John G., Thompson, E. P. and Winslow, Cal, Albion's fatal tree: crime and society in eighteenth-century England (1975)Google Scholar, especially Hay's, D. essay, ‘Property, authority and the criminal law’, pp. 17–63Google Scholar.

⁵ See the debates in Innes, Joanna and Styles, John: ‘The crime wave: recent writing on crime and criminal justice in eighteenth-century England’, Journal of British Studies, XXV, 1986Google Scholar; Langbein, John H., ‘Albion's fatal flaws’, Past and Present, XCVIII (1983)Google Scholar.

⁶ Radzinowicz, Leon, A history of English criminal law and its administration from 1750 (1948), I, 94–7Google Scholar.

⁷ Alison, Archibald, Principles of the criminal law of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1832), pp. 296–300Google Scholar.

⁸ Beattie, J. M., Crime and the courts in England 1660–1800 (Oxford, 1986), pp. 588–9Google Scholar.

⁹ Philips, David, ‘A new engine of power and authority’, in Gatrell, V. A. C., Lenman, Bruce and Parker, G. (eds.), Crime and the law: the social history of crime in western Europe since 1500 (1980), pp. 156–7Google Scholar. Radzinowicz's English criminal law I gives an extensive account of the rise and fall of the capital statutes.

¹⁰ An outline of these debates, and bibliography, can be found in Emsley, Clive, Crime and society in England 1750–1900 (1987)Google Scholar, ch I.

¹¹ 7 & 8 Geo. 4, c. 28. See Radzinowicz I, 578–80.

¹² J. Locke, Second treatise of government, ch V, s.27.

¹³ For detailed discussions of the modern development of the medical profession, see Noel, and Parry, Jose: The rise of the medical profession (1976)Google Scholar, and Waddington, IvanThe medical profession in the industrial revolution (1984)Google Scholar. The debate on professionalization is summarized in Loudon, Irvine, Medical care and the general practitioner (Oxford, 1986), pp. 1–8Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Taylor, A. S., The principles and practice of medical jurisprudence (1865), p. xviiGoogle Scholar. ‘Medical jurisprudence’ was the term favoured over ‘forensic medicine’ in the nineteenth century, the former term reflecting more accurately the subject's perceived subservience to the needs of the law.

¹⁵ There is no large-scale general history of British forensic medicine, but there are summaries in Mant, A. Keith, ‘Milestones in the development of the British medicolegal system’, Medicine, Science and the Law, XVII (1977), 155–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thomas, Frederic, ‘Milestones in forensic science’, Journal of Forensic Science, XIX (1974), 241–54Google Scholar; Simpson, Keith, ‘The development of forensic medicine’, Guy's Hospital Gazette, LXXVIII (1964), 384–90Google Scholar. For the wide-ranging interests of famous nineteenth-century medicolegist see The life of Robert Christison, Bart edited by his sons (2 vols., Edinburgh, 1885)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Duncan's son, of the same name, was the first holder of the chair. For Duncan's role in the history of ‘medical police’ see Rosen, George, From medical police to social medicine (New York, 1974), p. 152Google Scholar, and White, Brenda M., ‘Medical police. Politics and police: the fate of John Roberton’, Medical History, XXVII (1983), 408ffGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ Duncan, A., Heads of lectures on medical jurisprudence and forensic medicine (1801), p. 177Google Scholar.

¹⁸ For a discussion of this theory see Jordanova, L. J., ‘Policing public health in France 1780–1815’, in Ogawa, Teizo (ed.), Public health proceedings of the 5th international symposium on the comparative history of medicine – East and West (Tokyo, 1981), pp. 12–32Google Scholar.

¹⁹ For the attempts of the Scottish whig party to reform the legal system, see Phillipson, Nicholas, ‘The Scottish Whigs and the reform of the court of session 1785–1830’, (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge, 1967), pp. 187ffGoogle Scholar.

²⁰ Christison, R., ‘Cases and observations in medical jurisprudence. Case IV. – Murder by suffocation’, Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal, XCIX (1829)Google Scholar.

²¹ Campbell, W. A., ‘Some landmarks in the history of arsenic testing’, Chemistry in Britain, I (1965), 198–202Google Scholar.

²² There is a chronological survey in Thomas, ‘Milestones’.

²³ Cf. the structure of Duncan's Heads of lectures. There are fuller lecture notes by two of Duncan's students in Edinburgh University Library, special collections (hereafter EUL), Gen. 779–80D, and Dc.8.158.

²⁴ A. Duncan, A memorial presented to the patrons of the University of Edinburgh in 1798.

²⁵ John Gordon Smith, The principles of forensic medicine, systematically arranged, and applied to British practice (1821), pp. 406ff. The accolade of being the first substantial English textbook is usually given to Male's, George EdwardEpitome of juridical or forensic medicine (1816)Google Scholar.

²⁶ Taylor, , Principles, p. 1090Google Scholar.

²⁷ Watson, James, A treatise on the law of Scotland respecting succession (Edinburgh, 1885), pp. 106–7Google Scholar. Encyclopedia of the laws of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1928), V, 439Google Scholar.

²⁸ ‘Is the law of deathbed abolished?’, Juridical Review, III (1891), 291Google Scholar.

²⁹ Taylor, , Principles, p. 800Google Scholar. See also Holdsworth, W. S., A history of English law (3rd edn 1923) III, 185–9Google Scholar.

³⁰ Buchanan, R. J. M. and Hope, E. W., Husband's forensic medicine, toxicology and public health (7th edn, Edinburgh, 1904) p. 25Google Scholar.

³¹ Taylor, , Principles, pp. 797–8Google Scholar. Ogston, F., Lectures on medical jurisprudence (1878), pp. 181–2Google Scholar.

³² Taylor, , Principles, pp. 807–9Google Scholar. See also Glaister, J., A textbook of medical jurisprudence and toxicology (4th edn, Edinburgh, 1921), pp. 464–6Google Scholar.

³³ For comments on the ‘medicalization’ of older concerns with monsters, see Park, K. and Daston, L. J., ‘Unnatural conceptions: the study of monsters in France and England’, Past and Present, XCII (1981), 53–4Google Scholar.

³⁴ Glaister, , Textbook, p. 435Google Scholar. For a full account of the medical evidence, see Lyall, Robert, The medical evidence relative to the duration of human pregnancy, as given in the Gardner peerage case, before the privilege committee of the house of lords (1826)Google Scholar.

³⁵ E.g. London Medical Gazette, VII (1831), 547, 664–5Google Scholar.

³⁶ Taylor, , Principles, p. 825Google Scholar.

³⁷ The Gardner peerage case, monsters, and so forth, were cited in twentieth-century editions of Taylor and Glaister.

³⁸ EUL DK.4.57 Introductory lecture, Christmas 1830.

³⁹ [R. Christison], ‘Suggestions to medical referees for the examination of persons proposing life assurances’, nd. Copy EUL.

⁴⁰ Christison, R., ‘Cases and observations in medical jurisprudence – case X. On the effects of opium-eating on health and longevity’, Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal, XXXVII (1832), 133–35Google Scholar. After an appeal the parties compromised on payment.

⁴¹ Wellcome Library MS 3393, notes of A. D. Maclagen's lectures, 1877.

⁴² Source: random sample of 200 doctors from each area in each year, drawn from the Medical Directory.

⁴³ Smith, , Principles, p. 170Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Behlmer, G. K., ‘Deadly motherhood: infanticide and medical opinion in mid-Victorian England’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, XXXIV (1979), 408CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Behlmer puts particular stress on the bastardy clauses of the New Poor Law as a possible cause of infanticide.

⁴⁵ Report from the select committee of the house of lords on children's insurance bill, PP 1890 (344) XI, 3–33.

⁴⁶ Sauer, R., ‘Infanticide and abortion in nineteenth-century Britain’, Population Studies, XXXII (1978), 87–8Google Scholar, considers the contemporary evidence that insured babies did not have a higher mortality rate than uninsured ones, and concludes generally that poverty was the main pressure for infanticide. See also Rose, Lionel, The massacre of the innocents: infanticide in Britain 1800–1939 (1986)Google Scholar, chs XV–XVI for an outline of legislation on burial insurance.

⁴⁷ Reports from the select committee on death certification, PP 1893, cmd 373 and 402, p. iv.

⁴⁸ SC children's life, p. 27.

⁴⁹ This could be done with adults as well as children. See SC death certification, p. 175.

⁵⁰ Glaister, , Textbook, p. 175Google Scholar.

⁵¹ For the expansion of the scope of civil, especially employers', liability, see Holdsworth, , History of English law, VIII, 472–82Google Scholar.

⁵² Return of the number and nature of the accidents and the injuries to life and limb which have occurred on all the railways in Great Britain and Ireland, PP 1852–3 (171 and 424) XCVII; PP 1873 (843) LVII.

⁵³ Report of the select committee on accidents on railways, PP 1870 (341) X, 8, 33.

⁵⁴ Ibid. pp. I, 11.

⁵⁵ Christison, , Life, I, 285Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ SC railway accidents, p. 37.

⁵⁷ Kennedy, John A., ‘Railway injuries with special reference to their medico-legal aspect, Glasgow University MD thesis 1892, p. 5Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Ibid. p. 22.

⁵⁹ The literature on ‘railway spine’ and its successors is discussed in detail in Trimble, Michael R., Post-traumatic neurosis. From railway spine to the whiplash (Chichester, 1981Google Scholar, esp. chs I–II).

⁶⁰ Quoted in Kennedy, , ‘Railway injuries’ pp. 7–8Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Trimble, Railway spine, ch IV.

⁶² The most substantial are Collie, John, Malingering and feigned sickness (1913)Google Scholar and Jones, A. Basset and Llewellyn, L.J., Malingering or the simulation of disease (1917)Google Scholar.

⁶³ Collie, , Malingering, p. 2–3Google Scholar. A full history of the earlier period of workmen's compensation is given in Bartrip, P. W. J. and Burman, S. B., The wounded soldiers of industry: industrial compensation policy 1833–1897 (Oxford, 1983)Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Collie, J., ‘The effects of recent legislation upon sickness and accident claims’, Transactions of the Medico-Legal Society, XIII (1915–1918), 2Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Jones, Bassett and Llewellyn, , Malingering, p. 663Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Collie, J., ‘The Workmen's Compensation Act: its defects and their remedies’, Transactions of the Medico-Legal Society, VI (1908–1909), 86Google Scholar, and discussion, ibid, VII (1910–11), 42–4.

⁶⁷ See, e.g. the section on workmen's compensation in Glaister, , Textbook, pp. 24–32Google Scholar, which was conscientiously updated in each edition.

⁶⁸ See Parry and Parry, Rise of the medical profession, passim.

⁶⁹ EUL Gen. 779–80D, p. 3.

⁷⁰ E.g. Smith, J. G., An analysis of medical evidence (1825), p. 41Google Scholar; Taylor, , Principles, p. xviiiGoogle Scholar.

⁷¹ For a full discussion of the history of this theory see Meek, Ronald L., Studies in the labour theory of value (1973)Google Scholar.