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Cholera and Race in the Caribbean*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Extract

This study is offered as an initial exploration of the complex subject of cholera in the nineteenth-century Caribbean. As such, one purpose will be simply to describe the course of the three cholera epidemics that invaded the nineteenth-century Caribbean. Another more complicated aim is to attempt to measure the amount of mortality that the disease inflicted on the peoples of those islands for which data are available. A third purpose is to examine the reasons why the black population of the Caribbean proved far more susceptible to the disease than whites. Finally, an attempt will be made of Puerto Rico and especially Cuba, where the institution of slavery still persisted.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1985

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References

1 Quoted by Robert, E. McGrew, ‘The First Cholera Epidemic and Social History’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 34 (1960), pp. 61–2.Google Scholar

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4 Captain General Ricafort to the First Secretary of State, 31 Dec. 1833, Archivo Hist´rico Nacional, Madrid (abbreviated hereafter as AHN), Estado, leg. 6374, no. 181. Enclosed was a ‘Resumen general que manifesta los cadáveres coléricos sepultados en los cementerios de esta Isla desde el 25 de fev. ultimo hasta el 30 de set. inclusivo’ (hereafter referred to as ‘Resumen general’).

5 Calculated from data contained in ‘Resumen general’ and in the appendix of Kenneth, F. Kiple, Blacks in Colonial Cuba, 1774–1899 (Gainesville, Fla., 1976).Google Scholar

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12 This conforms to a contemporary estimate which suggested that three-quarters of the dead were blacks. See ‘Cholera in Havana’, The Medical Magazine, I (1833), 673. According to rumor, however, the cholera epidemic may also have helped in making up these losses. For on the island at the time there were a few thousand emancipados or contraband slaves captured mostly by the British and placed under the patronage of the Cuban government. The latter, it was alleged, used the cholera epidemic to claim that most emancipados had died, whereupon they were ‘hurried away into the interior’ and re-enslaved. For details of the emancipados, see Knight, Slave Society in Cuba, pp. 34–5 and passim. For details of the rumor, see the diary entry of Cary Harriet Carmichael Smyth, 4 August 1836, in the Smyth Papers, William R. Perkins Library, Manuscript Dept. Duke University. Rumors of the disappearance of emancipados for one reason or another were absolutely rife for years. For example see Corwin, Spain and the Abolition of Slavery in Cuba, pp. 40–3, 82–3 and passim.

13 For the beginning of cholera's worldwide rampage, see Roderick, E. McGrew, Russia and the Cholera, 1823–1832 (Madison, 1965); see also his look at ‘The First Cholera Epidemic and Social History,’ passim.Google Scholar

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27 LeRoy, y Cassa, Mortalidad de la Habana, p. 20.Google Scholar

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29 AGPR, Municipio de Aguadilla, ‘Actas 1849’, 5 Feb. 1849, caja 1, esp. 4, folio 106.

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43 AGPR, ‘Actas del Cabildo de San Juan’ (1854), folios 9−10; see also AGPR, Archivo Municipio de San Juan, documentos inéditos, Acuerdos Municipales (1854); Hostos, Ensayo…San Juan, 456–7.

44 Luis, M. Díaz Soler, Historia de esclavitud negra en Puerto Rico (Madrid, 1953), p. 122.Google Scholar

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46 Hostos, Ensayo…San Juan, pp. 136–7.

47 Manuel, Quevado y Béez, Historia de la medicina y cirugia de Puerto Rico (2 vols., Puerto Rico, 19461949), I, 176; see also 1, 167, 173, 180, 208, 210, 295, 360.Google Scholar

48 ‘Estado clasificativo del número de defunciones causadas por la epidemia del cólera morbo en esta Isla,’ AHN, Ultramar, leg. 5082; D. J. Jimeno Agius, ‘Población y comercio de la Isla de Puerto Rico,’ Boletín Histórico de Puerto Rico (1981), p. 284; Berta, Cabanillas de Rodríguez, Orígenes de los h´bitos alimenticios del pueblo de Puerto Rico (Madrid, 1955 ), p. 291;Google Scholar Díaz Soler, Historia de la esclavitud, pp. 122–3.

49 For examples, see Thompson, ‘Cholera in Jamaica,’ pp. 532–3; ‘Cholera in the Island of Nevis, West Indies’, pp. 394–5; Watson, ‘Cholera in Jamaica,’ pp. 40–1; Bowerbank, ‘Lessons from the Cholera at Jamaica,’ pp. 399–401.

50 Hirsch, Handbook, I, 471; de J. Melero, M., ‘Reseña estadística acerca de la mortalidad en la Isla de Cuba,’ Anales de la Real Academia de Ciencias Médicas, Físicas y Naturales de la Habana, 14 (1878–1879), 292–3.Google Scholar

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58 Bowerbank, ‘Lessons from the Cholera at Jamaica,’ p. 401.

59 Thompson, ‘Cholera at Jamaica,’ p. 532; see also Hirsch, Handbook, I,471–2, and James, Christie, ‘Notes on the Cholera Epidemics in East Africa,’ Lancet, 1 (1871), 113–15, 186–8. There is no question today that immunity to cholera can be acquired. See, for example,Google ScholarJan, Holgren and Ann-Mari, Svennerholm, ‘Mechanisms of Disease and Immunity in Cholera: A Review,’Journal of Infectious Disease, 136 (1977), 107–8.Google Scholar On the other hand, the general notion that all ‘coolies,’ including Chinese, were relatively immune was not apparent in their experience with the disease in a Cuban hospital. See the study of cholera in the hospital of San Juan de Dios from 30 September to 8 December 1867 in Anales de la Real Academia de Ciencias Médicas, Físicas y Naturales de la Habana, IV (1867), p. 342.

60 Robert, Pollitzer, ‘Cholera Advances in Historical Perspective’ in Proceedings of the Cholera Research Symposium (Washington, D.C., 1965), pp. 380–7;Google ScholarRichard, A. Cash, Jamiul, Alam and Toaha, K. M., ‘Gastric Acid Secretion in Cholera Patients,’ Lancet, 2 (5 12 1970), 1192;Google ScholarHornick, R. B. et al. , ‘The Broad Street Pump Revisited: Response of Volunteers to Ingested Cholera Vibrios,’ Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 47 (1971), 1181–91;Google ScholarPubMedEugene, J. Gangarosa, ‘The Epidemiology of Cholera: Past and Present,’ Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 47 (1971), 1148–9;Google ScholarEugene, J. Gangarosa and Wiley, H. Mosley, ‘Epidemiology and Surveillance of Cholera,’ in Barua, and Burrows, (eds.), Cholera, pp. 381403;Google ScholarCharles, C. J. Carpenter, ‘Treatment of Cholera – Tradition and Authority versus Science, Reason and Humanity,’ Johns Hopkins Medical Journal, 139 (1976), 153–63;Google Scholar and Holgren and Svennerholm, ‘Disease and Immunity in Cholera,’ p. 105 and passim.

61 Rosenberg, I. H., Greenough, W. B., Lindenbaum, J. and Gordon, R. S., ‘Nutritional Studies in Cholera; The Influence of Nutritional Status on Susceptibility to Infection,’ in Proceedings of the Cholera Research Symposium;Google ScholarCharles, C. Carpenter, ‘Cholera,’ in George, W. Hunter, William, W. Frye and Clyde Swartawelder, J. (eds.), A Manual of Tropical Medicine (4th ed., Philadelphia, 1966), p. 169.Google Scholar

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65 For the damage that rancid fish did to black health in the Caribbean quite apart from rendering them susceptible to cholera, see Kiple, The Caribbean Slave.

66 Cash, Alam and Toaha, ‘Gastric Secretion,’ p. 1192.

67 Cabanillas de Rodríguez, ‘Orígenes’, p. 291.

68 Díaz Soler, Historia de la esclavitud, pp. 122–3.

69 See Snow, J., On the Mode of Communication of Cholera (London, 1849) and the second edition of 1855.Google Scholar

70 See the documents from Barbados and Puerto Rico in the AGPR, Medicina y Cirurgia, Box 384.

71 Roberts, Population of Jamaica, pp. 256–8; Levy, Emancipation, Sugar and Federalism, pp. 115–16.

72 LeRoy y Cassa, Mortalidad de la Habana, p. 20.

73 Ibid; ‘Estadística de la epidemia del cólera, llevada por distritos, barrios rurales y hospitales desde que recrudeció el zo de junio hasta su declinación favorable el 31 de julio próximo pasado’, Anales de la Real Academia de Ciencias, Médicas, Físicas y Naturales de la Habana, V (1868–1869), 163–5.