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⁷ See, for example, Collins, H., Changing Order: Replication and induction in Scientific Practice, London, 1985Google Scholar; Knorr-Cetina, K., The Manufacture of Knowledge: An Essay on the Constructivist and Contextual Nature of Science, Oxford, 1981Google Scholar; Latour, B., Science in Action: How to follow Scientists and Engineers Through Society, Milton Keynes, 1987Google Scholar; Latour, B. and Woolgar, S., Laboratory Life: The Construction of Scientific Pacts, Princeton, 1986.Google Scholar

⁸ Latour, , op. cit. (7), pp. 96–100.Google Scholar

⁹ Atkinson, P. and Delamont, S., ‘“Mock-ups and cock-ups”: the stage-management of guided discovery instruction’ in Woods, P. and Hammersley, M. (eds.) School Experience: Explorations in the Sociology of Education, London, 1977Google Scholar; see Collins, , op. cit. (7), pp. 160–1Google Scholar for further discussion.

¹⁰ This term I have drawn from Ellen Frank's analysis of the construction of ‘natural’ household environments by Victorian architects and artists, Frank, E., ‘The domestication of nature: five houses in the Lake District’, in Knoepflmacher, U. C. and Tennyson, G. B. (eds.), Nature and the Victorian Imagination, Berkeley, London and Los Angeles, 1977, pp. 68–92.Google Scholar

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¹³ My analysis deploys selected elements of Michel Foucault's analysis of institutionalized methods of disciplinary order within a framework of social interest theory; see Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, London, 1977, pp. 170–94.Google Scholar In this case-study in empirical social history it is not appropriate, however, to utilize a ‘Foucauldian’ structuralist theory of the synchronie diffusion of power amongst unidentified ‘docile bodies’, ibid., pp. 135–09.

¹⁴ For a fictionalized rendition of a Huxleyean regime of microscopy in the mid 1880s, see H. G. Wells' pseudo-autobiographical story ‘A slip under the microscope’, in Wells, H. G., Complete Short Stories, London, 1927, pp. 529–48.Google Scholar

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²⁴ Smiles, S., Life of a Scottish Naturalist, London, 1877Google Scholar; Robert Dick, Geologist and Botanist, London, 1877.Google Scholar See Barber, L., The Heyday of Natural History 1820–1870, London, 1980, p. 41Google Scholar, for a discussion of Grant's enlistment by contemporaries as a paragon of virtuous natural history.

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³⁰ Kingsley, C., ‘The study of natural history’, in Scientific Lectures and Essays, London, 1885, pp. 187–8.Google Scholar

³¹ The common literary context of Huxley and Roscoe in the 1870s was the Macmillan series of Science Primers which each was writing in his own specialism; see Huxley–Roscoe correspondence in the Huxley Collection, Dawson catalogue, Imperial College Archives.

³² Roscoe, H. E., ‘Original research as a means of education’, Nature, (1873), 8, p. 539.Google Scholar

³³ See Thompson, J., The Owens College: Its Foundation and Growth, Manchester, 1886.Google Scholar

³⁴ Huxley, wrote: ‘it seemed to me that no more fitting preface could be put before a Journal, which aims to mirror the progress of that fashioning by Nature of a picture of herself, in the mind of man, which we call the progress of science’Google Scholar, Huxley, T. H., ‘Nature’, Nature, (1869), 1, pp. 9–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for further discussion see Beer, G., ‘Translation or transformation? The relations of literature and science’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society, (1990), 44, p. 82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁵ ‘XXXIV’, Selincourt, (ed.), Wordsworth's Poetical Works, vol. 3, Oxford, 1946, p. 19.Google Scholar

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⁴⁰ Gooding, D., ‘In “Nature's School”: Faraday as an experimentalist’, in Gooding, D. and James, F. (eds.), Faraday Rediscovered: Essays on the Life and Work of Michael Faraday, 1791–1867, Basingstoke, 1985, pp. 105–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁴⁴ Richter, D., Riotous Victorians, Ohio and London, 1981, pp. 51–61Google Scholar; Wood, A., Nineteenth-Century Britain 1815–1914, London, 1968, pp. 271–8, 453.Google Scholar

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⁴⁶ Gosse, P. H., The Aquarium: An Unveiling of the Wonders of the Sea, 1st edn, London, 1854Google Scholar; 2nd edn (revised), London, 1856.

⁴⁷ Gosse, ibid. (1856), esp. pp. 250–89. For a more detailed political interpretation of the aquarium see Hamlin, C., ‘Robert Warrington and the moral economy of the aquarium’, Journal of the History of Biology, (1986), 19, pp. 131–53.Google Scholar

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⁵⁰ A contemporary engraving of this event from the Illustrated London News is reproduced in Brown, O., Butler, S. and Nuttall, R., The Social History of the Microscope, Cambridge, 1986, p. 1Google Scholar, and Barber, , op. cit. (24), p. 16.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Brown, et al. , op. cit. (50), pp. 5–9.Google Scholar

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⁵³ Ward, , The Microscope, 3rd edn, 1869, p. vi.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Lankester, E., op. cit. (52), pp. 12, 24.Google Scholar The author was editor of the Quarterly Journal of Microscopy and the father of Edwin Ray Lankester (see below), DNB.

⁵⁵ Lankester, , op. cit. (52), pp. 31, 58, 59.Google Scholar

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⁵⁷ Rev. Reade, J. B., ‘Microscopic test objects under parallel light and corrected powers’, Popular Science Review, (1870), 9, p. 140Google Scholar; Ward, , op. cit. (53), p. 40.Google Scholar See Wood in first epigraph above for a further example of this usage.

⁵⁸ Collingwood, C., ‘The microscope; with directions for its use’, Popular Science Review, (1862), 1, p. 44Google Scholar; Gosse, , op. cit. (52), p. iv.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Wood, , op. cit. (1), p. 2.Google Scholar For a discussion of ‘improvements’ in microscope construction due to Lister et al., see below.

⁶⁰ Collingwood, , op. cit. (58), pp. 462, 464Google Scholar; Ward, , op. cit. (53), p. 12.Google Scholar

⁶¹ BAAS Report, (1870), pt 2, p. 92Google Scholar; emphasis added.

⁶² Gosse, , op. cit. (52), pp. iv–v.Google Scholar

⁶³ BAAS Report, (1870), pt 2, p. 93Google Scholar; emphasis added.

⁶⁴ Wood, , op. cit. (1), p. 12.Google Scholar For a further discussion of ‘tacit’ knowledge in the practice of microscopy see the section on Beale and Carpenter below.

⁶⁵ Brown, et al. , op. cit. (50), p. 7.Google Scholar For a parallel account of the moral imperatives used to promote popular microscopy in the USA see Warner, J. H., ‘“Exploring the inner labyrinths of creation”: popular microscopy in nineteenth-century America’, Journal of the History of Medicine, (1982), 37, pp. 24–7.Google ScholarPubMed

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⁶⁷ Gooday, , op. cit. (5), pp. 43–50.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ ‘The microscope in education’, op. cit. (66), p. 41.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ibid., pp. 42, 44, emphasis added.

⁷⁰ Ibid., pp. 44, 46.

⁷¹ Bowerbank, , op. cit. (41)Google Scholar, Brown, et al. , op. cit. (50).Google Scholar

⁷² Goodsir, J., ‘On the progress of anatomy’, in Turner, W. (ed.), The Anatomical Memoirs of John Goodsir F.R.S., Edinburgh, 1868, vol. 1, p. 367.Google Scholar

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⁷⁵ Beale, L., How to Work with the Microscope, 4th edn, London, 1868Google Scholar; Carpenter, W., The Microscope and its Revelations, 4th edn, London 1868.Google Scholar I have chosen the fourth editions of 1868 for both works as literary resources on microscopy available immediately prior to the commencement of Huxley's course.

⁷⁶ Bradbury, , op. cit. (12), pp. 203–4Google Scholar; Bradbury comments that a similar method was employed by Acland at Oxford.

⁷⁷ Carpenter wrote flatteringly of his rival's invention that it ‘may be conveniently applied to the purposes of clinical observation (the examination of Urinary Deposits, Blood, Sputa &c), either in hospital or in private practice; whilst it may also advantageously be used by the Field Naturalist in examining specimens of Water for Animalcules, Protophytes, &c’, Carpenter, , op. cit. (75), pp. 82–3.Google Scholar

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⁷⁹ Beale, , op. cit. (75), p. 16.Google Scholar

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⁸⁴ Beale, , op. cit. (75), pp. 33–4.Google Scholar

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⁸⁷ Ibid.

⁸⁸ Carpenter, , op. cit. (75), p. 138.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Beale, , op. cit. (75), pp. 19–20Google Scholar; Carpenter, , op. cit. (75), pp. 139–40.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Davies, T. (ed. Matthews, J.), On Mounting Microscopical Objects, 2nd edn, London, 1873, pp. 3–23Google Scholar; Beale, , op. cit. (75), p. 76.Google Scholar For Beale's innovations in injection technology see ‘Lionel Smith Beale, 1828–1906 [Obituary]’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, (1907), 77B, pp. lix, lxii.Google Scholar

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⁹⁵ Lankester, E. Ray, ‘Instruction to science teachers at South Kensington’, Nature, (1871), 4, p. 362.Google Scholar Note Lankester's subtle incorporation of the journal's Wordsworthian epigraph into this legitimatory discourse.

⁹⁶ Geison, G., Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology, Princeton, 1978, pp. 148–56Google Scholar; Butler, S., ‘Centres and peripheries: the development of British physiology, 1870–1914’, Journal of the History of Biology, (1988), 21, pp. 473–500.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁰³ Huxley, to Lockyer, , c. 23 06 1871Google Scholar, in Second Report of the Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction and the Advancement of Science, (1872), appendix xvii, pp. 54–5.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁵ Huxley, T. H., ‘“Scientific Education”, notes from an after dinner speech to Liverpool Philomathic Society, 1869’, in Science and Education: Essays, London, 1893, pp. 116–17, 127.Google Scholar

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¹¹¹ For Huxley's concern to avoid controversy on evolutionary matters in his teaching see the correspondence reproduced in Caron, J. A., ‘Biology in the life sciences: a historiographical contribution’, History of Science, (1988), 26, p. 250CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; on the notoriety of Huxley, 's 1869Google Scholar lecture ‘On the physical basis of life’, see Bibby, op. cit. (98), p. 63.Google Scholar

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¹¹³ Lankester, , op. cit. (95)Google Scholar; Huxley, T. H. and Martin, H. N., A Course of Instruction in Elementary Biology, Cambridge, 1875.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Lankester, , op. cit. (95), p. 362.Google Scholar For comparative analysis of Huxley's scheme of ‘biology’ see Caron, , op. cit. (111).Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Lankester, , op. cit. (95), pp. 362–3.Google Scholar

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¹²⁰ Cited in Geison, , op. cit. (96), p. 133.Google Scholar

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