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The Hebrew Version of De celo et mundo Attributed to Ibn Sīnā1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 October 2008

Ruth Glasner
Affiliation:
The Sydney M. Edelstein Center for the History and Philosophy of Science, Technology and Medicine and the Program for the History, Philosophy and Sociology of Science, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem 91905, Israel

Abstract

The Hebrew text On the Heavens and the World, ascribed to Ibn Sīnā, is an interesting and intriguing composition. It dates from the 13th century and was quite influential. It is not a translation of any text of Ibn Sīnā known to us, but is related to the (pseudo-Avicennian) Latin De celo et mundo, which appears in the 1508 Venice edition of translations of Ibn Sīnā. The Latin and Hebrew texts differ widely and the relation between them is far from being clear. Both are in sixteen chapters, the titles of the chapters are the same, but the texts are only roughly similar. The Hebrew text often offers short, incomplete summaries of the Latin arguments. On the other hand it includes many passages which have no parallel in the Latin. There are two possible explanations of the perplexing relationship between the two texts: either that there was more than one version of the Latin (or of the original Arabic) text, or that the translator, Shlomo ben Moshe of Laguiri wrote a kind of paraphrase. The paper shows that the second explanation is correct and offers a preliminary study of the sources and the aims of the Hebrew text.

Le texte hébraïque Du ciel et du monde attribué à Ibn Sīnā. est une œuvre intéressante et intriguante. Il date du XIIIe siècle et a exercé une influence considérable. Le texte hébraïque n'est la traduction d'aucun texte connu d'Ibn Sīnā; il s'apparente en revanche au texte latin (pseudo-avicennien) De celo et mundo, figurant dans l'édition de Venise de 1508 des traductions latines d'Ibn Sīnā. Les textes latin et hébraïque présentent cependant de très nombreuses différences et le rapport entre eux est loin d'être évident. Bien que tous deux comportent seize chapitres dont les titres sont identiques, le contenu des deux textes n'est que très grossièrement similaire: d'un côté, le texte hébraïque donne souvent de brefs résumés des arguments contenus dans le texte latin; de l'autre, il comporte de nombreux passages qui n'ont pas de parallèles dans le texte latin. Deux explications peuvent rendre compte du rapport entre les deux textes: soit il y avait une autre version latine du texte (ou de l'original arabe), soit le traducteur du texte hébreu, Shlomo ben Moshe de Laguiri, avait en fait rédigé une paraphrase, comportant des suppressions et des additions, du texte latin. Cet article montre que c'est la deuxieme hypothèse qui est la vraie. Il offre en outre une étude préliminaire des sources et des buts du texte hébreu.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1996

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References

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6 The incipit in most manuscripts is: “Ibn Sīnā said, in the name of the eternal Lord, we compose a book, in which we gather the scattered sayings of the first philosophers and what said Aristotle [other version - Aristotelians] on the subject of the heavens and the world.” The second translation, On Sleep and Waking, is not explicitly attributed to Ibn Sīnā, and its origin is unknown.Google Scholar

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29 It is also worth noting that the text De celo et mundo includes sixteen chapters, but does not consist of sixteen questions. Ibn al-Nadīm refers to what Ḥunayn wrote on De caelo as sixteen question (masā'il). Ḥunayn wrote a book of questions, which indeed cosists of short questions and answers. See Shalt, P. and Meyerhof, M., Le livre des questions sur l'oeil de Ḥonain Ibn Ishāq (Cairo, 1938). This, however, is not a strong argument since word mas'ala can also be understood in a more general sense as “subject” or “issue.”Google Scholar;

30 I shall mention two examples. 1. The Latin text develops a theory of material light rays, which is incompatible with the views of Ḥunayn ibn IsḤāq. Ḥunayn' theory of vision (which mainly follows Galen's) differs from Aristotle's in several respects, but adopts Aristotle's conception of the physical nature of light. In his Treatise on Light, Ḥunayn distinguishes three possibilities: that light is adjacent to the air, that it penetrates the air, or that it is an accident of the air. He accepts the third explanation (See Prufer, C. and Meyerhof, M., “Die aristotelische Lehre vom Licht bei Ḥunayn b. IsḤāq,”, Der Islam, 2 (1911): 117–28; on pp. 122–3). The whole tratise is indeed a list of arguments to Ḥunayn less likely. 2. In the sixteenth chapter, the Latin text refers to first and second intentions. Since this reference is found also in the manuscripts, there is no reason to suppose that it is a later interpolation. Though these terms can be traced back to Porphyry, they were in fact introduced into Arabic philosophy by al-Fārābī and Ibn Sīnā. SeeCrossRefGoogle ScholarKneale, W. and Kneale, M., The Development of Logic (Oxford, 1962), p. 230Google Scholar; Knudsen, C., “Intentions and impositions,” in Kretzmann, N., Kenny, A., Pinborg, J. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge, 1982), Chapter 23, pp. 479–95; on pp. 479–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gyekye, K.The terms ‘prima intentio’ and ‘secunda intentio’ in Arabic logic,” Speculum, 46 (1971): 32–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

31 Vatican, MS 386/4, fol. 207a opens: “In the name of the eternal Lord, said Shlomo ben Moshe me-Lageiri [or Legeiri], the translator of these chapters, which are the chapters of Ibn Sīnā's version of the book On the Heavens and the World.” Cambridge, MS Add. 1197/1, fol. 3a spells the name Laguia (or Leguia), and Oxford, Bodleian, MS 1270/3, fol. 87a spells Laguiri (or Leguiri). The title of the book Beyt Elohim (Vatican, MS 248, IMHM 300) ascribes the book to R. Shlomo ben Moshe from the river Laguir (or Leguir). Renan and Neubauer checked ālso the manuscripts of Shlomo ben Moshe's Hebrew translation of the book On Sleep and Waking and concluded that the more common spelling is the one I have transliterated as Laguiri, so in what follows I use this spelling. See Renan, E. and Neubauer, A., Les Rabbins français du commencement du quatorziéme siècle [= Histoire littéraire de la France, vol. XXVII] (Paris, 1877), p. 576. “Me-Laguiri” apparently means “of Laguiri.”Google Scholar;

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35 Renan and Neubauer, Les Rabbins français, pp. 576–7. The book is extant in two manuscripts, Vatican 248, IMHM 300, and Escorial g-17–1, IMHM 7361.Google Scholar

36 Steinschneider, , , p. 283.Google Scholar

37 Steinschneider states (, p. 283) that there are three quotations of our text in More ha-More (ed. Bisiliches, M.L. [Pressburg, 1837], pp. 80–1). Of the three references to the book On the Heavens and the World in these pages, only the third is toGoogle ScholarSinā, Ibn (p. 81 line 27). The source of this reference was not found in the proper writings of Ibn SïnāGoogle Scholar; (Shiffman, Y., Rabbi Shem Tov ben Joseph Falaquera's More ha-More, dissertation (in Hebrew) [Jerusalem, 1990]). Although this might suggest that this quotation is from the Hebrew version of Ps. Ibn Sīnā, yet neither this reference, nor any other of the many references to Ibn Sīnā in More ha-More, indicates clearly that Falaquera was acquainted with our text.Google Scholar

38 Shlomo, Gershom ben, Sha'ar ha-Shamayim (Warsaw, 1875), ma'amar 2, p. 13 col. a,3 (lines numbered from beginning of ma'amar 2) - col. b,13; ma'amar 10, p. 68 col. a,12 (from beginning of ma'amar 10); ma'amar 13, p. 80 col. a, 16 (from beginning of ma'amar 13)-col. b, 11; p. 81 col. b,37 -p. 82 col. a,5.Google Scholar

39 Renan and Neubauer date this book around 1240, Les Rabbins français, p. 576. Steinschneider dates it to between 1280 and 1306, seeGoogle ScholarSteinschneider, M., “Salomon de Melgueil et Salomon Orgerius,” Revue des études juives, 5 (1882): 277–81, on p. 278.Google Scholar Bodenheimer reexamined the data and concluded that the book was written between 1242 and 1275. See Shlomo, Gershom ben, The Gate of Heaven, translated by Bodenheimer, F.S. (Jerusalem, 1953), p. 13.Google Scholar

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41 Beyt Elohim, Vatican, MS 248, IMHM 300, fol. 1a, 8–9.Google Scholar

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78 “Quod celum erat corpus simplex et unius nature,”, Venice, edition, fol. 40r, col. a.Google Scholar

79 Reading ' amar ze; some manuscripts read ' omri ze, “my saying this.”Google Scholar;

80 Reading ' amarti; some mauscripts read' amru, “they said.”Google Scholar;

81 Chapter 8, Cambridge MS, fol. 7b.Google Scholar

82 Chapter 16, Cambridge MS, fol. 13a.Google Scholar

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88 Tibbon, Ibn, Yiqqawu ha-Mayim, ch. 2, p. 4, 15–22.Google Scholar

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