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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 September 2008
Hereward ‘the Wake’ is renowned as one of the leaders of the English resistance to the Normans in the late 1060s and early 1070s. His involvement in the resistance is noted by all main sources, even though the extent to which he was responsible for actions in Ely and Peterborough remains to be elucidated. He is listed as a pre-Conquest Lincolnshire landholder and tenant in Domesday Book, which is the only contemporary source to mention, but not date, his outlawry. Hereward's career as an outlaw is shrouded in mystery, due to the lack of detail in contemporary sources and also to the rise of stories incorporated in the Gesta Herewardi (The Deeds of Hereward), written in the twelfth century, which claim that he went as a mercenary to Cornwall, Ireland and Flanders. Two sections of the Gesta Herewardi are devoted to his exploits in the county of Flanders, and there is a curious third passage describing his relationship to Gilbert of Gent, the richest post-Conquest Flemish settler in England, who is said to have been Hereward's godfather. The purpose of this article is to take a fresh look at these passages and to assess them in the light of sources written on the Continent which seemingly confirm the Gesta sections on Flanders.
1 The Gesta Herewardi as a narrative representing English ethnic awareness and pride of the English warfare is the topic of an important forthcoming study by Hugh Thomas, who most kindly allowed me to read his article in advance of publication (Thomas, H. M., ‘The Gesta Herewardi, the English and their Conquerors’, ANS 21 (1998), pp. 213–32Google Scholar). The relevant sources are: Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Earle, J. and Plummer, C., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1892–1899) I, 204–5, 208Google Scholar = Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ‘DE’, s.a. 1070 [Hereward at Peterborough] and 1071 [Hereward at Ely and his escape]; The Chronicle of John of Worcester, ed. Darlington, R. R. and McGurk, P., trans. Bray, J. and McGurk, P., 2 vols. [II–III] (Oxford, 1995–8) III, 20–1 [Hereward at Ely and escape]Google Scholar; Willelmi Malmesbiriensis de gestis pontificum Anglorum, ed. Hamilton, N. E. S. A., RS (London, 1870), p. 420 [Hereward at Peterborough]Google Scholar; Henry Archdeacon of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, The History of the English People, ed. Greenway, D. E. (Oxford, 1996), pp. 396–8 [Hereward at Ely and escape]Google Scholar; L'Estoire des Engleis by Geffrei Gaimar, ed. Bell, A., Anglo-Norman Texts 14–16 (Oxford, 1960), lines 5460–5506, pp. 173–81 [Hereward at Peterborough and Ely]Google Scholar; The Chronicle of Hugh Candidas, ed. Mellows, W. T. (Oxford, 1949), pp. 77–9 and 81 [Hereward at Peterborough and Ely].Google Scholar
2 Domesday Book seu Liber Censualis Wilhelmi primi regis Angliae, ed. Farley, A., 2 vols. (London, 1783)Google Scholar [hereafter DB], fols. 346r, 364v, 376v, 377r and 377v, where he occurs as pre-Conquest landholder of Laughton, Rippingale and Witham (Lincs.) which he held respectively with one Toli, from Crowland Abbey and from Peterborough. Two of the entries (376v and 377v) explicidy mention his outlawry, which is not dated. The Pseudo-Ingulf's history of Crowland Abbey dates the outlawry to 1062 (Historia Ingulphi in Rerum Anglicarum scriptorum veterum Tom. I, ed. Fulman, W. (Oxford, 1684), pp. 1–107, at 67Google Scholar). For discussions of Hereward's origin and status, see Hayward, J., ‘Hereward the Outlaw’, JMH 14 (1988), 293–304Google Scholar; Hart, C., ‘Hereward the Wake and his Companions’, in his The Danelaw (London, 1992), pp. 625–48Google Scholar; King, E., ‘The Origins of the Wake Family’, Northamptonshire Past and Present 5 (1975), 167–77Google Scholar; Roffe, D., ‘Hereward the Wake and the Barony of Bourne: a Reassessment of a Fenland Legend’, Lincolnshire Hist. and Archaeol. 29 (1994), 7–10Google Scholar; and Williams, A., The English and the Norman Conquest (Woodbridge, 1995), pp. 49–50 and n. 24.Google Scholar
3 Gesta Henvardi incliti exulis et militis, in Lestoire des Engles solum la translation maistre Geffrei Gaimar, ed. Hardy, T. D. and Martin, C. T., 2 vols., RS (London, 1888) II, 339–404Google Scholar; the Flemish passages can be found on 343–4, 353–64 and 370–1. A new edition and translation is in preparation by Schmidt, P. G. and Mann, J. for OMT. The English translation by Swanton, M. (Three Lives of the Last Englishmen (New York, 1984), pp. 45–88) needs to be used with caution.Google Scholar
4 Cambridge University Library, Peterborough, Chapter Library 1,320r–339r (339v is blank); the whole text is contained in two quires (nos. xxviii–xxix), written in one hand with red chapter headings, and red/blue initials. The Register also contains a collection of royal charters for Peterborough, the Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, and the Laws of William the Conqueror. For a description, see Martin, J. D., The Cartularies and Registers of Peterborough Abbey, Northamptonshire Record Soc. 28 (Peterborough, 1978), 7–12Google Scholar and Ker, N. R. et al. , Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries (Oxford, 1969–; in progress) IV, 162–4.Google Scholar A brief reference to the cartulary can be found in Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England c. 550 to c. 1307 (London, 1974), p. 520.Google Scholar
5 Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, E. O., Camden 3rd ser. 92 (London, 1962), 188Google Scholar: ‘In libro autem de ipsius gestis Herewardi, dudum a venerabili viro ac doctissimo fratte nostro beate memorie Ricardo edito, plenius descripta inveniuntur.’ See also ibid. p. xxxiv and n. 10. However, note the doubts expressed by S. Keynes in his unpublished paper ‘Hereward the Wake’ (1990). I am most grateful to Simon Keynes for allowing me to read his work in advance of publication.
6 This date (Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, , p. xxxivGoogle Scholar) is consistent with the references in the Flemish sections of the Gesta to the counts of Guines and Warenne. Count Menasses is called ‘Menasses the Old of Guînes’ to distinguish him from his grandson Manasses II or Robert (1091-c. 1137) (see below, pp. 211–12, n. 51), while William I of Warenne (d. after 1088) is called ‘the old count William of Warenne’, contrasting him with his son of the same name who was count from c. 1088 to 1138 (Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, W. and Clay, C. T., 12 vols. (Edinburgh, 1914–1965) VIII, 7–12Google Scholar and Lewis, C. P., ‘The Earldom of Surrey and the Date of Domesday Book’, Hist. Research 63 (1990), 329–36).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
7 The Old English Life of Hereward by Leofric is now lost.
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36 Huizinga, , ‘Scaldemariland’, p. 561.Google Scholar This date is also accepted by Blok, , ‘Holland und Westfriesland’, p. 357.Google Scholar For Count Baldwin VI's presence in Ponthieu in the (early) autumn, see below, p. 218, n. 80.
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48 Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, p. 499:Google Scholar …. fugatum Hugonem recepit Anglia (‘… England welcomed the fugitive Hugh’).
49 For the bishop's troops of equites and pedites as well as milites, see ibid. p. 495. In 1077, shortly after Bishop Lietbert's death under his successor Bishop Gerard II (1076–92), Cambrai established a ‘commune’ (Platelle, H., ‘Les luttes communales et l'organisation municipale (1075–1313)’, Histoire de Cambrai, ed. Trenard, pp. 43–61, at 45–8).Google Scholar
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51 For the counts of Guînes, see Vanderkindere, L., Histoire de la formation territoriale des principautés belges au Moyen Age, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Brussels, 1899–1902) I, 186–7Google Scholar; Manasses I witnessed the 1056 charter of Count Baldwin V of Flanders for St Peter at Gent which was also witnessed by Guy, later bishop of Amiens, Count Guy of Ponthieu, Count Roger of Saint-Pol and Earl Harold of Wessex (see Grierson, , ‘The Relations between England and Flanders’, pp. 100–1Google Scholar; Tanner, H. J., ‘The Expansion of the Power and Influence of the Counts of Boulogne under Eustace II’, ANS 14 (1991), 251–86, at 269, n. 40).Google Scholar Count Baldwin of Guînes' earliest attestation comes in a charter of King Philip I of France issued at Corbie, which can be dated to a time after 4 August 1065 (Recueil des actes de Philippe I roi de France (1059–1108), ed. Prou, M. (Paris, 1908), no. xxiii, p. 66Google Scholar). For Count Manasses II, see Actes des comtes de Flandre 1071–1128, ed. Vercauteren, F. (Brussels, 1938), nos. 13, 17, 21, 41, 90 and 122Google Scholar; his earliest appearance as count seems to have been in 1091 (Les Charles de Saint Bertin, ed. Haigneré, D., 4 vols. (Saint-Omer, 1886–1899) I, no. 87, p. 34).Google Scholar In Vercauteren, no. 122, dated to 1122×1127, he is mentioned as Count Baldwin's successor. Lambert of Ardres in his Historia comitum Ghisnensium (ed. Heller, I., MGH SS 24 (Hanover, 1879), 550–642) does not mention Manasses I.Google Scholar
52 Gesta Herewardi, p. 356Google Scholar: ‘certamina sollempniarum quae apud Pontes iam et Pictavem fiunt’ [this text is quoted from the manuscript] (‘festive competitions, which then took place at Bruges and Poitiers’). Parisse, M., ‘Le tournoi en France des origines à la fin du XIIIe siècle’, Das ritterliche Turnier im Mittelalter. Beiträge zu einer vergleichenden Formen- und Verhaltensgeschichte des Rittertums, ed. Fleckenstein, J. (Göttingen, 1985), pp. 175–211, at 180–2Google Scholar; Platelle, H., ‘L' essor des principautés’, Histoire des provinces françaises du nord, ed. Lottin, A., 2 vols. (Dunkirk, 1989) II, 1–115 at 36–7.Google Scholar
53 Perhaps Count Baldwin VI of Flanders (1067–70), who was also Baldwin I of Hainault (1051–70) or, more likely, his son Baldwin, who became Baldwin II of Hainault (1076/81–98).
54 The lord, vidame, of Picquigny at this time was Arnulf, father of Wermund of Picquigny who acted alongside Count Charles the Good of Flanders as judge in 1122 (Actes des comtes de Flandre, ed. Vercauteren, . no. 108Google Scholar). In 1113 Arnulf's daughter, wife of Judhael of Totnes, was delighted to welcome at her house in Barnstaple the monks of Laon on their relic trip and to entertain them for three days on account of the fact that they were compatriots (Hermanni monachi de miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis, PL 156, cols. 961–1018, at 983–4). For Judhael, see Williams, J. B., ‘Judhael of Totnes: the Life and Times of a Post-Conquest Baron’, ANS 16 (1993), 271–89, at 284–5.Google Scholar Another of Arnulf's daughters, Millesende, was married to William II, castellan of Saint-Omer. After the conquest in 1066 Ansculf of Picquigny became sheriff (DB i, fols. 36r and 148v: Ansculf of Picquigny and his son William).
55 Henry II of Louvain had two sons: Henry III (1079–95) and Godfrey the Bearded (1096–1139; from 1106 duke of Lower Lotharingia). Adeliza was a daughter of the latter (The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, M., 6 vols. (Oxford, 1969–1980) VI, 308).Google Scholar
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64 See above, n. 62.
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67 The best modern study of the Gent family in England is Abbott, M., ‘The Gand Family in England 1066–1191’ (unpubl. Ph.D. dissertation, Cambridge Univ., 1973).Google Scholar Otherwise the following are useful: Sherman, R. M., ‘The Continental Origins of the Ghent Family of Lincolnshire’, Nottingham Med. Stud. 22 (1978), 23–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; George, R. H., ‘The Contribution of Flanders to the Conquest of England, 1065–86’, Revue belge d'histoire et de philologie 5 (1926), 81–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; J. Verberckmoes, ‘Flemish Tenants-in-Chief in Domesday England’, ibid. 66 (1988), 725–99; Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, II (Edinburgh, 1915), pp. 431–6.Google Scholar For the Flemish origins of the Aalst family and its later branches, see Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility III, 587–3.Google Scholar Dr Warlop, unfortunately, did not use any English source material on the family. None of the authors cited used the Gesta Herewardi.
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89 Gerbod's presence at Cluny may well explain, as Lewis, C. (‘The Formation’, p. 40)Google Scholar has pointed out, why Gundreda, now the only sibling left, and her husband William of Warenne, were so generous to Cluny.
90 Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility IV, 1021–4Google Scholar and Lewis, , ‘The Formation’, pp. 38–40.Google Scholar
91 Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility I, 51–2.Google Scholar We should note that Arnulf/Arnold II's death in 1067 may have necessitated Gerbod II's brief return to Flanders, for in that year he witnessed a charter as advocate of Saint-Bertin (Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility II, 382, n. 249).Google Scholar
92 Liber miraculorum sancti Bavonis, ed. Holder-Egger, O., MGH SS 15.1 (Hanover, 1887), 598–9.Google Scholar
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95 Loyd, L. C., The Origins of some Anglo-Norman Families, ed. Clay, C. T. and Douglas, D. C. (Leeds, 1951), p. 92Google Scholar discusses the Norman Saint-Valéry evidence and suggests that the Ranulf of Saint-Valéry mentioned in Domesday Book as an under-tenant of the bishop of Lincoln came from the Pays-de-Caux. This leaves open the possibility that to the Ponthieu family belong the men carrying the names Bernard (Gallia Christiana 11, Instrumenta, cols. 19–20, dated 1096; Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum 1066–1154, ed. Davis, H. W. C. et al. , 4 vols. (Oxford, 1913–1969) II, no. 1379, dated between 1107 and 1122;Google ScholarGreen, J., The Government of England under Henry I (Cambridge, 1986), p. 234)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Reginald (spurious charter dated 1106, Regesta II, no. 797). From 1144 onwards there is a series of regular charters proving that Reginald (c. 1144-c. 1164) was the father of Bernard (still alive in 1190), see Calendar of Documents, nos. 12, 23, 44, 57, 790, 1057,1077, 1084–5, 1360 and 1364.
96 Although it would give added weight to my suggestion (see above, p. 214, n. 63) that in spring 1071 the disgraced Wulfric might have fled from Flanders to England to join, in this hypothesis, his daughter and son-in-law or his sister and brother-in-law.
97 Gesta Herewardi, pp. 397–8Google Scholar; L'Estoire des Engleis, ed. Bell, , line 5592, p. 177.Google Scholar
98 Historia Ingulphi, ed. Fulman, , pp. 67–8.Google Scholar
99 DB, i, 377v; Raban, S., The Estates of Thorney and Crowland (Cambridge, 1977), p. 19.Google Scholar
100 Symeonis monachi opera omnia, ed. Arnold, I, 215–20 and II, 199Google Scholar; see also Searle, W. G., Ingulf and the Historia Croylandensis (Cambridge, 1894), p. 94.Google Scholar
101 The Scots Peerage, ed. SirPaul, J. Balfour, 9 vols. (Edinburgh, 1904–1914) III, 241–6.Google Scholar
102 The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vttalis, ed. Chibnall, II, 350Google Scholar; Orderic was exceptionally well informed about Crowland, which he visited at least once, probably in 1114–15 (ibid. pp. xxiv–xxix), and therefore I see no reason to share the doubt cast on Waltheof of Crowland's identification by the editor of The Scots Peerage III, 243.Google Scholar
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106 For Hugh of Envermeu, see The Ecclesiastical History of Orderit Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, V, 210–11Google Scholar and Regesta II, nos. 601, 727, 794–5, 818, 973 and 1577; for Richard of Rullos, see ibid. no. 1592, Loyd, , Origins, p. 86Google Scholar and Round, , Feudal England, p. 165.Google Scholar Richard's brother William, lord of Bourne at the time of Henry I who died without offspring, appears in Regesta II, nos. 1031, 1098 and 1187. Richard of Rullos's daughter Adelina married Baldwin FitzGilbert of Clare, who became lord of Bourne ‘iure uxoris’. For daughters as the likely missing link in the descent of Bourne from Hereward to Baldwin FitzGilbert, see Roffe, , ‘Hereward “the Wake”’, pp. 7–10.Google Scholar
107 Schmidt, , ‘Biblisches und hagiographisches Kolorit’, pp. 94–5.Google Scholar
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109 For the exceptional concentration of female patronage of vernacular (Anglo-Norman) patronage in the Lincolnshire area, see Short, I., ‘Patrons and Polyglots: French Literature in Twelfth-Century England’, ANS 14 (1991), 229–50, at 243–4.Google Scholar
110 In the course of the preparation of this article I have benefited from comments and advice from Judith Everard, Susan Kelly, Renée Nip, Oliver Padel, David Roffe and Ian Short. I am particularly grateful to Simon Keynes for his editorial support and guidance.
