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Domains and directionality in the evolution of German final fortition*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 July 2007

Gregory K. Iverson  and
Joseph C. Salmons
Gregory K. Iverson
Affiliation:
University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee
Joseph C. Salmons
Affiliation:
University of Wisconsin–Madison
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Abstract

Laryngeal realism (Honeybone 2005) holds that thoroughly voiced stops in a language like Dutch will be represented phonologically with the feature [voice], leaving the voiceless unaspirated stops laryngeally neutral, whereas the typically aspirated stops of a language like German are marked with the feature [spread glottis], rendering the passively voiced stops in this language neutral. These two languages also merge laryngeal oppositions in final environments, Dutch undergoing final devoicing but German final fortition. We apply the findings of Evolutionary Phonology (Blevins 2004, 2006b) to these distinctions in final laryngeal neutralisation, underscoring that the evolutionary approach to phonological alternation allows for non-assimilatory feature addition as well as loss. We examine in particular the known history of final fortition in German and find that the reference standard form of the language has evolved an alignment condition to the effect that a fortified syllable edge must match up with the morpheme edge.

Type
Research Article
Information
Phonology , Volume 24 , Issue 1 , May 2007 , pp. 121 - 145
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2007

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