Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-dfsvx Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-26T03:15:58.242Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Corruption and Partisanship: Rousseau, Ferguson and Two Competing Models of Republican Revival

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 May 2016

Robert A. Sparling*
Affiliation:
University of Ottawa
*
School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa, 120 University (7078), Ottawa, Ontario, K1N 6N5, rsparlin@uottawa.ca

Abstract

Partisanship inspires a degree of ambivalence. There is a widespread tendency—which has a long history in republican political thought—to decry division and partisanship as corrupting, undermining individual judgment, and promoting clientelism, dependencies and loyalties antithetical to the common good. Yet there is an equally widespread intuition that excessive unity is corrupting, undermining the vigour of civic life. Contemporary political theory remains divided on the normative implications of division and unity—witness the battles between agonistic and consensus-oriented schools of democratic theory. In this article I examine the thought of two eighteenth-century writers who, while often treated as contributing to a common intellectual project of reinvigorating classical civic virtue, took opposite positions on the desirability of division. Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Adam Ferguson offered competing accounts of what corrupts civic virtue, one decrying party divisions and the other lauding them. The article examines the underlying philosophical presuppositions of Rousseau and Ferguson's competing claims and suggests, ultimately, that both positions suffer from neglecting to attend to an important distinction between salutary and harmful divisions.

Résumé:

L'esprit de parti inspire une certaine ambivalence. La pensée politique républicaine a souvent dénoncé les divisions et l'esprit de parti comme des phénomènes corrupteurs qui portent atteinte au jugement individuel et qui promeuvent un clientélisme, des dépendances et des loyautés contraires au bien public. Mais il existe également une intuition – aussi très répandue – voulant que l'unité excessive soit corruptrice, portant atteinte à la vigueur de la vie civique. La pensée politique contemporaine demeure divisée à l'égard des implications normatives de la division et de l'unité (pensons, par exemple, aux débats dans la théorie démocratique entre les champions de l'agonisme et ceux du consensus). Dans cet article, nous considérons la pensée de deux écrivains du dix-huitième siècle qui, quoique souvent traités comme des alliés dans le projet de faire revivre une vertu civique ancienne, prirent des positions opposées sur la désirabilité de la division sociale. Jean-Jacques Rousseau et Adam Ferguson offrirent deux conceptions distinctes de ce qui corrompt la vertu civique : l'un déplora les divisions partisanes tandis que l'autre les loua avec enthousiasme. L'article examine les présupposés philosophiques sur lesquels reposent leurs positions divergentes et suggère que ces deux positions négligent de considérer une importante distinction entre les divisions salutaires et les divisions néfastes.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association (l'Association canadienne de science politique) and/et la Société québécoise de science politique 2016 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Aristotle. 1996. The Politics and the Constitution of Athens. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Arendt, Hannah. 2006. Between Past and Future. New York: Penguin.Google Scholar
Beiner, Ronald. 1993. “Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Rousseau on Civil Religion.” The Review of Politics 55 (4): 617–38.Google Scholar
de Man, Paul. 1979. Allegories of Reading: Figural Language in Rousseau, Nietzsche, Rilke, and Proust Yale: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Elazar, Yiftah. 2014. “Adam Ferguson on Modern Liberty and the Absurdity of Democracy,” History of Political Thought 35 (4): 768–87.Google Scholar
Estlund, David M., Waldron, Jeremy, Grofman, Bernard and Feld, Scott L.. 1989. “Democratic theory and the public interest: Condorcet and Rousseau revisited.” The American Political Science Review 83 (4): 1317–40.Google Scholar
Ferguson, Adam, 1769. Institutes of Moral Philosophy for the Use of Students in the College of Edinburgh. Edinburgh: Kinkaid & Creech.Google Scholar
Ferguson, Adam. 1776. “Remarks on a Pamphlet Lately Published by Dr. Price, titled Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty.” London: Caldwell.Google Scholar
Ferguson, Adam, 1780. Letter to William Eden, Jan. 2. Oxford Electronic Enlightenment. http://www.e-enlightenment.com.Google Scholar
Ferguson, Adam. 1792. Principles of Moral and Political Science. 2 vols. Edinburgh: W. Creech. (facsimile reprint AMS press, 1973).Google Scholar
Ferguson, Adam. 1834. The History of the Progress and Termination of the Roman Empire. London: Jones & Co.Google Scholar
Ferguson, Adam. 1995. An Essay on the History of Civil Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Grofman, Bernard and Feld, Scott L.. 1988. “Rousseau's general will: A Condorcetian perspective.” American Political Science Review 82 (2): 567–76.Google Scholar
Gunn, J.A.W. 1971. Factions No More. London: Frank Cass.Google Scholar
Harrington, James. 1992, The Commonwealth of Oceana and A System of Politics, ed. Pocock, J.G.A.. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Heath, Eugene and Merolle, Vincenzo. 2008. Adam Ferguson: History, Progress and Human Nature. London: Pickering and Chatto.Google Scholar
Hill, Lisa. 2006. The Passionate Society: The Social, Political and Moral Thought of Adam Ferguson. Dordrecht: Springer.Google Scholar
Hont, Istvan. 1983. “The ‘rich country-poor country’ debate in Scottish classical political economy,” in Hont, I. and Ignatieff, M., eds. Wealth and Virtue. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Jefferson, Thomas. 1999. Political Writings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Kettler, David. 1965. The Social and Political Thought of Adam Ferguson. Columbus: Ohio State University Press.Google Scholar
Lefort, Claude. 1986. Le travail de l'oeuvre Machiavel. Paris: Gallimard.Google Scholar
Lefort, Claude. 1992. Écrire: à l’épreuve du politique. Paris: Calmann-Lévy.Google Scholar
Machiavelli, Niccolò. 1990. Florentine Histories, trans. Banfield, L.F.. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Machiavelli, Niccolò. 1995 Discourses on Livy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Mansfield, Harvey. 1995. Machiavelli's Virtue. trans. Mansfield, H.C. and Tarcov, N.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
McCormick, John. 2011. Machiavellian Democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
McDaniel, Iain. 2013a. “Philosophical History and the Science of Man in Scotland: Adam Ferguson's Response to Rousseau.” Modern Intellectual History 10 (3): 543–68.Google Scholar
McDaniel, Iain. 2013b. Adam Ferguson and the Scottish Enlightenment. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Merolle, Vincenzo, Dix, Robin and Heath, Eugene, eds. 2006. The Manuscripts of Adam Ferguson. London: Pickering & Chatto.Google Scholar
Montesquieu. 1979. De l'esprit des lois. 2 vols. Paris: Flammarion.Google Scholar
Mouffe, Chantal. 1993. The Return of the Political. London: Verso.Google Scholar
Plutarch. 1831. Lives, trans. Langhorne, William and Langhorne, John. Baltimore: W&J Neal.Google Scholar
Pocock, J.G.A. 1975. The Machiavellian Moment. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Rosenblum, Nancy. 2010. On the Side of the Angels: An Appreciation of Parties and Partisanship. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Rosenblum, Nancy. 2014. “Partisanship and independence: The peculiar moralism of American politics.” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy. 17 (3): 267–88.Google Scholar
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. 1964. Oeuvres complètes, ed. Gagnebin, Bernard and Raymond, Marcel. vol.III Paris: Gallimard.Google Scholar
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. 1966. Émile. Paris: Flammarion.Google Scholar
Saint-Just, Louis Antoine. 2011. “Final speech,” (9 Thermodor, An II). In Œuvres complètes de Robespierre, 10 vols. Paris: Société des études robespierristes.Google Scholar
Sandel, Michael. 1996. Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Sartori, Giovanni. 1976. Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Schwartzberg, Melissa. 2008. “Voting the General Will: Rousseau on Decision Rules.” Political Theory 36 (3): 403–23.Google Scholar
Shklar, Judith. 1965. Men and Citizens: A Study of Rousseau's Social Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Sonenscher, Michael. 2009. Before the Deluge: Public Debt, Inequality, and the Intellectual Origins of the French Revolution. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Starobinski, Jean. 1988. Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Transparence and Obstruction, trans. Goldhammer, A.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Talmon, J.M. 1960. The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy. New York: Prager.Google Scholar
Terchek, Ronald. 1997. Republican Paradoxes and Liberal Anxieties. Boston: Rowman and Littlefield.Google Scholar