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The Testimony of the Russian ‘Archbishop’ Peter Concerning the Mongols (1244/5): Precious Intelligence or Timely Disinformation?1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 May 2016

PETER JACKSON
PETER JACKSON*
Affiliation:
Keele Universityp.jackson@keele.ac.uk
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Extract

The first decade of the 21st century proved remarkably fertile in yielding up manuscripts relevant to the earliest direct contacts between Latin Europe and the Mongol empire – namely, those framed by the devastation of Rus´ (1237-40), Poland, Moravia and Hungary (1241-2) by the Mongols (or ‘Tartars’) and the subsequent despatch to the Mongol world of three parties of friars (1245-7) as envoys of Pope Innocent IV. These texts include:- (1) an early manuscript of the Epistula de vita secta et origine Tartarorum of the Hungarian Dominican Julian, who travelled to the Ural region in 1236–7 in search of the Hungarians’ pagan kinsmen in what was known as ‘Greater Hungary’, and returned with news of the imminent Mongol assault on Rus´; (2) two hitherto unknown letters from the Nestorian monk Simeon Rabban-ata to the Emperor Frederick II and King Louis IX of France, brought back from Azerbaijan in 1247 by one of Innocent IV's envoys, the Dominican André de Longjumeau; and (3) a second copy of the so-called ‘Tartar Relation’, an account produced in Poland in mid July 1247 by a Franciscan friar calling himself ‘C. de Bridia’ and closely linked with the most celebrated of the papal embassies to the Mongols, which was led by the Franciscan John of Plano Carpini and travelled across the Eurasian steppes as far as the court of the Qaghan Güyük in Mongolia.

Type
Part II: The Mongol World
Information
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Volume 26 , Issue 1-2 , January 2016 , pp. 65 - 77
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 2016 

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Footnotes

1

An abridged version of this study formed part of a paper, “Some early Western sources on the Mongol advance”, delivered at the Summer School “New Directions in the Study of the Mongol Empire” at the Institute for Advanced Studies in the Hebrew University of Jerusalem on 3 July 2014. I am grateful for the comments it elicited there, and hope that my good friend David Morgan, who was in the audience, will bear with being confronted by it a second time.

References

2 On the invasion of Eastern Europe and the three papal embassies, see Morgan, David, The Mongols, 2nd edn (Oxford, 2007), pp. 120–125 Google Scholar, 156-158; de Rachewiltz, Igor, Papal Envoys to the Great Khans (London, 1971), pp. 76–118 Google Scholar; Jackson, Peter, The Mongols and the West, 1221-1410 (Harlow, 2005), pp. 58–74 Google Scholar, 87-97.

3 Denis Sinor, “Le rapport du dominicain Julien écrit en 1238 sur le péril mongol”, Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres: Comptes-rendus (2002), pp. 1153-1168. For the text of the Epistula, see Heinrich Dörrie, “Drei Texte zur Geschichte der Ungarn und Mongolen: Die Missionsreisen des fr. Iulianus O.P. ins Ural-Gebiet (1234/5) und nach Rußland und der Bericht des Erzbischofs Peter über die Tartaren”, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, phil.-hist. Klasse (1956), no. 6, pp. 125-202 (at pp. 162-182).

4 Claverie, Pierre-Vincent, “Deux lettres inédites de la première mission en Orient d'André de Longjumeau (1246)”, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 158 (2000), pp. 283–292 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Simeon's letter to Pope Innocent, which had been known of for some time, see Acta Innocentii PP. IV (1243-1254), (ed.) Theodosius T. Haluščynskyj and Meletius M. Wojnar, Pontificia Commissio ad redigendum Codicem Iuris Canonici Orientalis, Fontes, 3rd series, IV, part 1 (Rome, 1962), pp. 95-97 (no. 52).

5 Guzman, Gregory G., “The Vinland Map controversy and the discovery of a second version of the Tartar Relation: The authenticity of the 1339 text”, Terrae Incognitae 38 (2006), pp. 19–25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The ‘Tartar Relation’ was first published by Skelton, R.A., Marston, Thomas E. and Painter, George D. in The Vinland Map and the Tartar Relation (New Haven and London, 1965)Google Scholar. For a better text, see Hystoria Tartarorum C. de Bridia monachi, (ed.) Alf Önnerfors, Kleine Texte für Vorlesungen und Übungen 186 (Berlin, 1967). A revised version of The Vinland Map and the Tartar Relation followed in 1995.

6 I am most grateful to Timothy Bolton, of Sotheby's, for sending me the schedule of contents of this ms. and for allowing me to inspect the relevant pages at length prior to the auction sale in December 2008.

7 For a description of the ms. and its contents, see Bolton, Timothy, “A newly emergent mediaeval manuscript containing Encomium Emmae Reginae with the only known complete text of the recension prepared for King Edward the Confessor”, Mediaeval Scandinavia 19 (2009), pp. 205–221 Google Scholar (here pp. 205-211). I am indebted to the author for kindly sending me an offprint.

8 The fullest treatment of Peter is to be found in Bezzola, Gian Andri, Die Mongolen in abendländischer Sicht (1220-1270): Ein Beitrag zur Frage der Völkerbegegnungen (Bern and Munich, 1974), pp. 113–118 Google Scholar. See also Klopprogge, Axel, Ursprung und Ausprägung des abendländischen Mongolenbildes im 13. Jahrhundert. Ein Versuch zur Ideengeschichte des Mittelalters, Asiatische Forschungen 122 (Wiesbaden, 1993), pp. 174–176 Google Scholar.

9 Dörrie, “Drei Texte”, pp. 182-194. For the two versions he used, see Pauli, R., “Ex annalibus Burtonensibus”, Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, XXVII (Hannover, 1885)Google Scholar, pp. 474-475; and Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, (ed.) Henry Richards Luard, Rolls Series 57, 7 vols (London, 1872-1883), IV, pp. 386-389. Here I shall cite the original edition: “Annales monasterii de Burton, 1004-1263”, in Annales Monastici, (ed.) Luard, Rolls Series 36, 5 vols (London, 1864-9), I, pp. 271-275.

10 To take the most notable example, several lines on ‘Salbatin’, the ruler of the great city of ‘Ornac’, whom the Tartars had attacked and killed, are missing at p. 189, though correctly given by Pauli (“Ex annalibus”, p. 474) and by Luard (“Annales monasterii de Burton”, p. 272): the elision is evidently due to homoeoteleuton, since the obscure name Salbatin/Sabatin both immediately precedes the omitted passage and concludes it.

11 James, Montague Rhodes, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Gonville and Caius College, 2 vols (Cambridge, 1907–8)Google Scholar, I, pp. 186-187. Thanks are due to the College Librarian for furnishing me with a digitised copy of the relevant folios and to the Master and Fellows for permission to cite from it.

12 Ruotsala, Antti, Europeans and Mongols in the Middle of the Thirteenth Century: Encountering the Other (Helsinki, 2001), pp. 153–155 Google Scholar (appendix 1), citing the folio number of the ms. as 261vb in error. The fullest description is in H.V. Shooner (ed.), Codices manuscripti operum Thomae de Aquino, II. Bibliothecae Gdańsk-Münster (Rome, 1973), pp. 224-225. I am grateful to Dr Rudolf Lindpointner, of the Oberösterreichische Landesbibliothek, for providing me some years ago with a digitised image of the relevant folio.

13 E.g. Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, IV, pp. 387, where he inserts the word abominabiles to reinforce the distasteful notion that the newcomers ate anything forbidden, and 388, where he numbers blood among their beverages, and adds, as an alternative explanation of their origins, their link with the island of Tarachonta, a detail borrowed from the account of Gog and Magog by the 8th-century geographer Aethicus Ister; for other references to Tarachonta as the Mongols’ original home, see IV, p. 109, n. 2, and VI, p. 497, n. 1. For Aethicus’ own testimony, cf. Die Kosmographie des Aethicus, (ed.) Otto Prinz, Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters 14 (Munich, 1993), pp. 120-121.

14 Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, VI, pp. 75-76 (the marginal date, 10 April 1242, supplied by Luard is of no value). “Annales de Waverleia”, in Annales Monastici, (ed.) Luard, II, pp. 324-325. Bezzola, Die Mongolen, p. 54 and n. 198, dated it persuasively to 1239-40; see further Klopprogge, Ursprung, p. 163.

15 Davidsohn, Robert, “Ein Briefkodex des dreizehnten und ein Urkundenbuch des fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts”, Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 19 (1927), pp. 373–388 Google Scholar (here pp. 383-384: no. 27).

16 Richard, Jean, “Une lettre concernant l'invasion mongole?”, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 119 (1961), pp. 243–245 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Claverie, Pierre-Vincent, “L'apparition des Mongols sur la scène politique occidentale (1220-1223)”, Le Moyen Age 105 (1999), pp. 601–613 Google Scholar (here pp. 612-613).

17 Ruotsala, Europeans and Mongols, p. 153.

18 See Richard, Jean, La papauté et les missions d'Orient au Moyen Age (XIIe-XVe siècles) (Rome, 1977), p. 67 Google Scholar, n. 10.

19 Podskalsky, Gerhard, Christentum und theologische Literatur in der Kiever Rus’ (988-1237) (Munich, 1982), p. 299 Google Scholar; Podskal´ski, Gerkhard, Khristianstvo i bogoslovskaia literatura v kievskoi Rusi (988-1237 gg.), 2nd edn., translated by Nazarenko, A.V. and (ed). Akent´eva, K.K., Subsidia Byzantinorossica 1 (St Petersburg, 1996), p. 467 Google Scholar. Other literature is cited in Ruotsala, Europeans and Mongols, p. 153.

20 Ruotsala, Europeans and Mongols, p. 154. On the bishopric of Belgorod, see Fennell, John, A History of the Russian Church to 1448 (Harlow, 1995), pp. 43 Google Scholar, 52.

21 See Sackur, Ernst (ed.), Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen. Pseudomethodius, Adso und die Tiburtinische Sibylle (Halle, 1898 Google Scholar), new edn by Raoul Manselli (Torino, 1963), pp. 67-69, 80-91.

22 Cross, Samuel H., “The earliest allusion in Slavic literature to the Revelations of Pseudo-Methodius”, Speculum 4 (1929), pp. 329–339 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (here pp. 332-335). Chekin, Leonid S., “The Godless Ishmaelites: The image of the steppe in eleventh-thirteenth-century Rus΄”, Russian History 19 (1992), pp. 9–28 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (here pp. 12-17).

23 Bezzola, Die Mongolen, pp. 41-43. Chekin, “Godless Ishmaelites”, pp. 20-23.

24 Dörrie, “Drei Texte”, p. 167.

25 Klopprogge, Ursprung, p. 160, rejecting the exegesis supplied by Bezzola, Die Mongolen, pp. 42-43 (where ‘Ishmaelites’ is understood to denote the ‘Mo'al’, i.e. the Mongols).

26 Dörrie, “Drei Texte”, p. 181. It would, of course, be loading too great a burden on our evidence were we to identify this anonymous cleric with Peter himself; Dörrie, p. 183, merely alludes to the possibility.

27 Thomas of Spalato, Historia Salonitanorum atque Spalatensium pontificum, (ed.) Olga Perić and translated by , Damir Karbić, Sokol, Mirjana Matijević and Sweeney, James Ross, Archdeacon Thomas of Split. History of the Bishops of Salona and Split (Budapest and New York, 2006)Google Scholar, Latin text, p. 286 (English translation, p. 287). For further evidence, see Jackson, Mongols and the West, pp. 144-146.

28 Much of this was first pointed out by Bigalli, Davide, I Tartari e l'Apocalisse. Ricerche sull'escatologia in Adamo Marsh e Ruggero Bacone (Firenze, 1971), pp. 64–68 Google Scholar. It was subsequently developed further by Klopprogge, Ursprung, pp. 175-176, who corrected Dörrie's identification of ‘Etrev’ with the River Irtysh.

29 Cf. Julian's ‘Hornach’, the residence of an unnamed Sultan: Dörrie, “Drei Texte”, 169-171. Ürgench appears as ‘Ornach’ in Rus´ sources also: Egorov, V. L., Istorischeskaia geografiia Zolotoi Ordy v XIII-XIV vv. (Moscow, 1985), p. 126 Google Scholar.

30 Bezzola, Die Mongolen, pp. 124-149. Felicitas Schmieder, Europa und die Fremden. Die Mongolen im Urteil des Abendlandes vom 13. bis in das 15. Jahrhundert, Beiträge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters 16 (Sigmaringen, 1994), p. 199, n. 8.

31 John of Plano Carpini, Ystoria Mongalorum quos nos Tartaros appellamus, v, 13, 33, and ix, 38, 49, (ed.) Enrico Menestò, Maria Cristiana Lungarotti and Paolo Daffinà, Giovanni di Pian di Carpine. Storia dei Mongoli (Spoleto, 1989), pp. 259, 274, 324, 330-332, and translation in Christopher Dawson (ed.), The Mongol Mission. Narratives and Letters of the Franciscan Missionaries in Mongolia and China in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (London and New York, 1955), pp. 23, 31, 66, 70-71. See Guzman, Gregory G., “European captives and craftsmen among the Mongols, 1231-1255”, The Historian 72 (2010), pp. 122–150 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Jackson, Peter, “Franciscans as papal and royal envoys to the Tartars, 1245-1255”, in Robson, Michael J. P. (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Francis of Assisi (Cambridge, 2012), pp. 224–239 Google Scholar (here pp. 234-235).

32 Ruotsala, Europeans and Mongols, p. 154.

33 Klopprogge, Ursprung, pp. 52, 174.

34 Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi‛ al-tawārīkh, (ed.) Muḥammad Rawshan and Muṣṭafā Mūsawī, 4 vols (Tehran, 1373 Hijrī solar/1994), I, pp. 301-305; translated by Wheeler M. Thackston, Classical Writings of the Medieval Islamic World. Persian Histories of the Mongol Dynasties, III. Jami'u’t-Tawarikh: A Compendium of Chronicles by Rashiduddin Fazlullah (London and New York, 2012), pp. 105-106. See the paper by Anne Broadbridge in this Festschrift.

35 For instance, the unnamed daughter offered to Terge El of the Qonggirad tribe, whom Chinggis Khan executed for rejecting her in insulting terms, and Chabun, who married Deregei Küregen of the Ikires tribe: Rashīd al-Dīn, I, pp. 159, 164 (translated Thackston, pp. 60, 62).

36 ‛Alā’ al-Dīn ‛Aṭā Malik Juwaynī, Tārīkh-i Jahān-gushā, (ed.) Mīrzā Muḥammad Qazwīnī, Gibb Memorial Series, n.s., XVI, 3 vols (Leiden and London, 1912-37), I, p. 80; translated by Boyle, John Andrew, The History of the World-Conqueror, 2 vols (Manchester, 1958 Google Scholar; reprint in 1 vol. with introduction by David Morgan, 1997), p. 103.

37 Minhāj-i Sirāj Jūzjānī, Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī (c. 1260), (ed.) ‛Abd al-Ḥayy Ḥabībī, 2nd edn., 2 vols (Kabul, 1342-3 solar/1963-4), I, p. 317; translated by H.G. Raverty, Ṭabaḳāt-i Nāṣirī. A General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia, Bibliotheca Indica, 2 vols (Calcutta, 1873-81), p. 297 (TWRBY in the Persian script, though Raverty consistently renders the name “Tūrtī”. Athīr, al-Kāmil fī l-ta' rīkh, translated by D. S. Richards, The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athīr for the Crusading Period, III (Aldershot and Burlington, VT, 2008), p. 253.) Jackson, Peter, “Jalāl al-Dīn, the Mongols and the Khwarazmian conquest of the Panjāb and Sind”, Iran (Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies) 28 (1990), pp. 45–54 Google Scholar (here p. 50); repr. in Jackson, Studies on the Mongol Empire and Early Muslim India, Variorum Collected Studies series (Farnham and Burlington, VT, 2009), no. X (here p. 17).

38 I. P. Petrushevskii, “Pokhod mongol´skikh voisk v sredniuiu Aziiu v 1219-1224 gg. i ego posledstviia”, in S. L. Tikhvinskii (ed.), Tataro-Mongoly v Azii i Evrope, 2nd edn. (Moscow, 1977), pp. 107-139 (here pp. 112-114). On Mongol espionage generally, see May, Timothy, The Mongol Art of War. Chinggis Khan and the Mongol Military System (Barnsley, 2007), pp. 69–71 Google Scholar.

39 Dörrie, “Drei Texte”, pp. 182-183.

40 Bezzola, Die Mongolen, pp. 113, 116-117.

41 § 2: Hystoria Tartarorum C. de Bridia monachi, ed. Önnerfors, p. 4, unde et Tartari appellant apostolicum magnum papam per totum occidentem; Skelton, Marston and Painter, Vinland Map and the Tartar Relation, 2nd edn., p. 55 (Painter's trans., p. 54, does not seem to me to represent the sense adequately). For the Qaghan Güyük's reply (in Persian) to Innocent IV, see Paul Pelliot, “Les Mongols et la papauté”, part 1, Revue de l'Orient Chrétien 23 (1922-3), pp. 3-30: transcription at p. 17 (line 4: bābā-yi kalān), French trans. at p. 18 (and n.3); also the English trans. (by J. A. Boyle) in De Rachewiltz, Papal Envoys, appendix, p. 213.

42 Meyvaert, Paul, “An unknown letter of Hulagu, Il-khan of Persia, to King Louis IX of France”, Viator 11 (1980), pp. 245–259 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (relevant text at p. 258). Morgan, Mongols, 2nd edn, pp. 159-160.

43 Simon de Saint-Quentin, Historia Tartarorum, (ed.) Jean Richard, Simon de Saint-Quentin. Histoire des Tartares, Documents relatifs à l'histoire des Croisades 8 (Paris, 1965), p. 105.

44 Ricardo di San Germano, “Chronica”, in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, new edn., (ed.) C. Garufi (Bologna, 1934- in progress), VII, part 2, pp. 110a-111a (the ‘Chronica Priora’, from the Bologna ms. A. 144): the context is the attack on the Rus´ and the Polovtsy in 1223.

45 Davidsohn, pp. 383-384. Ms. C, 317b-318b.

46 For the image, see Carpini, iii, 3-5, (ed.) Menestò et al., pp. 237-238 (translation in Dawson, Mongol Mission, pp. 9-10); and for ultimatums, Voegelin, Eric, “The Mongol orders of submission to European powers, 1245-1255”, Byzantion 15 (1940-1), pp. 378–413 Google Scholar, and de Rachewiltz, Igor, “Some remarks on the ideological foundations of Chingis Khan's empire”, Papers on Far Eastern History 7 (1973), pp. 21–36 Google Scholar.

47 Interestingly, Julian also had spoken of three distinct Mongol armies (Dörrie, “Drei Texte”, p. 175), as would the author of the ‘Tartar Relation’ subsequently (Hystoria Tartarorum C. de Bridia monachi, § 11, (ed.) Önnerfors, pp. 8-9).

48 Davidsohn, p. 384. Ms. C, 318b.

49 Rossabi, Morris, Khubilai Khan. His Life and Times (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1988), pp. 102–103 Google Scholar, 207-213, 219-220. Wright, David Curtis, “Navies in the Mongol Yuan conquest of Southern Song China, 1274-1279”, Mongolian Studies 29 (2007), pp. 207–216 Google Scholar. Morgan, Mongols, 2nd edn, pp. 106-107.

50 Simon de Saint-Quentin, Historia Tartarorum, (ed.) Richard, p. 98. See more generally Peter Jackson, “The Mongols and the faith of the conquered”, in Reuven Amitai and Michal Biran (eds.), Mongols, Turks and Others. Eurasian Nomads and the Outside World (Leiden and Boston, 2005), pp. 245-290 (here pp. 249-252); reprinted in Jackson, Studies on the Mongol Empire and Early Muslim India, Variorum Collected Studies series (Farnham and Burlington, VT, 2009), no. IV (here pp. 4-8); also Mongols and the West, pp. 48-49.

51 Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, IV, p. 276. Richard, Jean, “Ultimatums mongols et lettres apocryphes”, Central Asiatic Journal 17 (1973), pp. 212–222 Google Scholar (here p. 215); reprinted in Richard, Orient et Occident au moyen âge: Contacts et relations (XIIe-XVe s.), Variorum Collected Studies series (London, 1976), no. XXVIII.

52 Mostaert, Antoine and Cleaves, Francis Woodman, “Trois documents mongols des archives secrètes vaticanes”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 15 (1952), pp. 419–506 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (here pp. 485, 492-493). Ruotsala, Europeans and Mongols, pp. 106-108. Jackson, Mongols and the West, p. 46.

53 Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, IV, p. 386: consilium et auxilium et de sua tribulatione consolationem adepturus, si sibi dante Deo ecclesia romana et principum clemens forte gratia subveniret.

54 See James Ross Sweeney, “‘Spurred on by the Fear of Death’: Refugees and displaced populations during the Mongol invasion of Hungary”, in Michael Gervers and Wayne Schlepp (eds.), Nomadic Diplomacy, Destruction and Religion from the Pacific to the Adriatic, Toronto Studies in Central and Inner Asia 1 (Toronto, 1994), pp. 34-62.

55 Myself included: Mongols and the West, p. 87.

56 On Chinggis Khan's ‘religious policy’, see Ratchnevsky, Paul, Genghis Khan: His Life and Legacy, translated (and ed.) by Haining, Thomas Nivison (Oxford, 1991), pp. 197–198 Google Scholar; for the status of the religious classes in the 13th-century empire, Jackson, “Mongols and the faith of the Conquered”, pp. 262-268 (reprint in Jackson, Studies, no. IV, pp. 18-23).

57 Fuhrmann, Joseph T., “Metropolitan Cyril II (1242-1281) and the politics of accommodation”, Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 24 (1976), pp. 161–172 Google Scholar. See also Fennell, History of the Russian Church, pp. 198-199.

58 Allsen, Thomas T., Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia (Cambridge, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, deals with this theme in great depth.

59 Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, IV, pp. 274-276. On the Mongols’ need for interpreters in significant numbers, see Sinor, Denis, “Interpreters in medieval Inner Asia”, Asian and African Studies 16 (1982), pp. 293–320 Google Scholar (here pp. 307-316), and repr. in Sinor, Studies in Medieval Inner Asia, Variorum Collected Studies series (Aldershot and Brookfield, VT, 1997), no. XV; Thomas T. Allsen, “The Rasûlid Hexaglot in its Eurasian cultural context”, in Peter B. Golden (ed.), The King's Dictionary. The Rasûlid Hexaglot (Leiden, Boston and Köln, 2000), pp. 29-38 passim.

60 For references, see Peter Jackson, “World-conquest and local accommodation: Threat and blandishment in Mongol diplomacy”, in Judith Pfeiffer and Sholeh A. Quinn ((eds.) with Ernest Tucker), History and Historiography of Post-Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East: Studies in Honor of John E. Woods (Wiesbaden, 2006), pp. 3-22 (here p. 17), and repr. in Jackson, Studies, no. V.

61 Claude Cahen, The Formation of Turkey. The Seljukid Sultanate of Rūm: Eleventh to fourteenth century, translated (and ed.) by Peter Holt (Harlow, 2001), pp. 70-71.

62 “Annales monasterii de Burton”, p. 273. Jackson, “Franciscans as papal and royal envoys”, p. 225.

63 Epistolae saeculi XIII e regestis Pontificum Romanorum selectae, (ed.) Carl Rodenberg, 3 vols (Berlin, 1883-94), II, pp. 3-4 (no. 2); this letter is also printed in Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia, (ed.) Augustin Theiner, 2 vols (Rome, 1859-60), I, pp. 187-188 (no. 348).

64 This was the conclusion, for instance, of De Rachewiltz, Papal Envoys, p. 86, of Klopprogge, Ursprung, p. 193, and of Schmieder, Europa, p. 76.

65 Bezzola, Die Mongolen, p. 118. Klopprogge, Ursprung, p. 193: “Der Papst selbst hatte wohl den Auftritt des russischen Informanten auf dem Konzil inszeniert.” Schmieder, Europa, p. 78, n. 20.

66 See Carpini, ix, 8, (ed.) Menestò et al., p. 306: placebat eidem quod Christiani omnes Tartarorum essent amici et pacem haberent cum eis; insuper quod desiderabat quod essent magni apud Deum in celo (translated in Dawson, Mongol Mission, p. 53). For Innocent's letter, Cum non solum, see Acta Innocentii PP. IV, ed. Haluščynskyj and Wojnar, p. 31 (no. 17): specialiter de iis quae ad pacem pertinent tractatum fructuosum habentes (tr. in Dawson, Mongol Mission, p. 76). Jackson, Mongols and the West, pp. 89-90.