1 The land area is approximately 815 km², with a 2010 population of over 64,000 people. National Statistics Directorate (NSD) and United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), ‘Population and housing census 2010: Social and economic characteristics, Volume 3’ (Dili: NSD and UNFPA, 2011).

2 The present political enclave bears the names of two domains locally referred to as kingdoms. Oral histories and early written sources (e.g., Pigafetta 1969 [1522]) mention the native Timorese kingdom of Ambeno in the island's northwest; the name Ambeno is derived from Ama (Father, Elder) Beno, one of four legendary brothers among whom the island was divided. With the later arrival of part-European traders-cum-rulers, another coexisting kingship arose which is currently referred to as Oecusse (var. Oecussi, Okussi, Oe-cusse, and others), though this name (oe(l), water; cusse, jar) derives from the place and perhaps the bowl-shaped form of the northern lowlands nestled amidst jagged mountain peaks. While the two kingdoms were treated as distinctive — if overlapping — by Portuguese colonial rulers, at present the names are used together, interchangeably, or separately to refer to the region as a whole, although the individual kingly lineages remain distinct. Antonio Pigafetta, Magellan's voyage: A narrative account of the first circumnavigation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969 [1522]).

3 Hägerdal, Hans, ‘Colonial rivalry and the partition of Timor’, IIAS Newsletter 40 (2006): 16Google Scholar.

4 Roderich Ptak, ‘The transportation of sandalwood from Timor to China and Macao c. 1350–1600’, in Portuguese Asia: Aspects in history and economic history (Sixteenth and seventeenth centuries), ed. Roderich Ptak (Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 1987), pp. 87–109.

5 Demonstrating the centrality of Catholicism, the national government's website and hundreds of posters hung around Oecusse declared 2015 a commemoration of ‘500 years of the affirmation of Timorese identity’. Government of Timor-Leste, ‘500th anniversary of the affirmation of the Timorese identity’ (Dili, 2015), http://timor-leste.gov.tl/?p=13165&lang=en (last accessed 22 Dec. 2015).

6 This article does not address the idea of a unified pan-Timorese nation (Nixon, Rod, ‘Indonesian West Timor: The political-economy of emerging ethno-nationalism’, Journal of Contemporary Asia 34, 2 [2004]: 163–85Google Scholar) or more recent popular discussions of creating a political entity encompassing Indonesia's Nusa Tenggara Timur province.

7 Yoder, Laura S. Meitzner, ‘The development eraser: Fantastical schemes, aspirational distractions and high modern mega-events in the Oecusse enclave, Timor-Leste’, Journal of Political Ecology 22 (2015): 299–321Google Scholar.

8 Hägerdal, Hans, ‘Rebellions or factionalism? Timorese forms of resistance in an early colonial context, 1650–1769’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 163, 1 (2007): 1–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Douglas Kammen, Three centuries of conflict in East Timor (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2015), pp. 4–5.

9 A monument at the Lifau beach park in Oecusse states that the Portuguese landed there in August 1515, but historical texts are less certain about this date. Hans Hägerdal, Lords of the land, lords of the sea: Conflict and adaptation in early colonial Timor, 1600–1800 (Leiden: KITLV, 2012); Ptak, Roderich, ‘Some references to Timor in old Chinese records’, Ming Studies 17 (1983): 37–48Google Scholar; John Villiers, ‘As derradeiras do mundo: The sandalwood trade and the first Portuguese settlements in the Lesser Sunda islands’, in East of Malacca: Three essays on the Portuguese in the Indonesian archipelago in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries (Bangkok: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, 1985), pp. 59–90. Portuguese writings mentioned Timor by name from 1513/14 as a sandalwood trade destination for Portuguese ships. Ptak, ‘The transportation of sandalwood’, pp. 94–5.

10 Andaya, Leonard Y., ‘The “informal Portuguese empire” and the Topasses in the Solor archipelago and Timor in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 41, 3 (2010): 391–420CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Hägerdal, ‘Rebellions’.

12 Hägerdal, Lords, p. 169.

13 Ibid.; Malyn Newitt, A history of Portuguese overseas expansion, 1400–1668 (London: Routledge, 2005).

14 Hägerdal, ‘Rebellions’, pp. 27, 30.

15 From India to Southeast Asia, Topasses referred to Eurasians and indigenous Christians with Portuguese cultural influence. Charles R. Boxer, The Topasses of Timor (Amsterdam: Indisch Institut, 1947). This group is also known in the literature as Black Portuguese, and later, Larantuqueiros. There were many communities called Topasses, suggesting that the term Larantuqueiros is more specific to identify the part-Portuguese group originating from Larantuca on Flores. Geoffrey C. Gunn, Timor Loro Sae: 500 years (Macau: Livros do Oriente, 1999).

16 Boxer, The Topasses, p. 1; Villiers, ‘As derradeiras’, pp. 59–90; Hägerdal, ‘Rebellions’, p. 36.

17 Hägerdal, ‘Rebellions’, p. 5.

18 Hägerdal, Lords, p. 135.

19 Ibid., pp. 169–80.

20 Arend de Roever, De jacht op sandelhout: De VOC en de tweedeling van Timor in de zeventiende eeuw (Zutphen: Walburg, 2002).

21 William Dampier, A voyage to New Holland (London: Argonaut, 1939). Lifau was derived from the Meto lé’àl (people) faun, nanfaun (many), or many people. It earned the name énò naek, or great door, because there was so much trade along the coast. Norberto Augusto Parada, ‘Timor’, in Macau e a sua diocese, ed. Manuel Teixeira (Macau: Tipografia da Missão do Padroado, 1974), pp. 557–9. Daschbach described Lifau as taken from the Meto liatnamfau neitin, meaning ‘many friends who come to talk’. Richard Daschbach, ‘Ambeno: Bagaimana rupamu doeloe’, in Agenda Budaya Pulau Timor (2), ed. Gregorius Neonbasu (Atambua, West Timor: Komisi Komunikasi Sosial Provinsi SVD Timor, 1992), p. 46.

22 Gunn notes that in 1650, Lifau had no settlement, but housed an impressive settlement by 1700. Gunn, Timor Loro Sae, pp. 78–9. Sketches of the Lifau settlement in 1703 are found in Boxer and Leitão. Charles R. Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550–1770: Fact and fancy in the history of Macao (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1948); Humberto Leitão, Vinte e oito anos de história de Timor (1698 a 1725) (Lisboa: Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1952).

23 Hägerdal, Lords, pp. 147, 169.

24 Boxer, The Topasses, p. 9.

25 Hägerdal, ‘Rebellions’, p. 20. This figure, Father Manuel, is further discussed later in this paper.

26 Raphael das Dores, ‘Apontamentos para um diccionario chorographico de Timor’, Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa 19 (1901): 764; Affonso de Castro, As possessões Portuguezas na Oceania (Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional, 1867), p. xx.

27 Goncalo Pimenta de Castro, Timor (Subsídos para a sua história) (Lisboa: Agência Geral das Colónias, 1944), pp. 24–38; Hägerdal, Lords, p. 423.

28 Hägerdal, ‘Rebellions’.

29 Gérard Francillon, ‘Incursions upon Wehali: A modern history of an ancient empire’, in The flow of life: Essays on eastern Indonesia, ed. James J. Fox (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980), pp. 248–65.

30 James J. Fox, ‘Tracing the path, recounting the past: Historical perspectives on Timor’, in Out of the ashes: Destruction and reconstruction of East Timor, ed. James J. Fox and Dionísio Babo Soares (Canberra: ANU Press, 2000), p. 9.

31 Henk G. Schulte Nordholt, The political system of the Atoni of Timor (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1971), pp. 449–50.

32 While some branches of the de Costa-Hornay lineages settled in Noimuti, others were established in Oecusse. Ibid., p. 450; Fox, ‘Tracing’, p. 9; Pieter Middelkoop, ‘Migrations of Timorese groups and the question of the kase metan or overseas black foreigners’, in International Archives of Ethnography (Leiden: Brill, 1968), p. 100. Today, the Oecusse da Costa lineage denies that their forebears ever lived in Noimuti, but that they settled in Oecusse when they first arrived in Timor. Middelkoop distinguished the ‘Old Benu’ who stayed in Oecusse from the ‘Young Benu’ who settled elsewhere. Ibid., p. 55.

33 Boxer, The Topasses. For parts of the da Costa and Hornay family genealogies, see Hägerdal, Lords, p. 145.

34 Hägerdal, Lords, p. 140.

35 Ibid., p. 141.

36 Barbara Watson Andaya and Leonard Y. Andaya, ‘Interracial marriages and the overseas family: The case of the Portuguese Topasses in Timor’, in Anthony Reid and the study of the Southeast Asian past, ed. Geoff Wade and Li Tana (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2012), pp. 221–40.

37 Newitt, Malyn, ‘Formal and informal empire in the history of Portuguese expansion’, Portuguese Studies 17, 1 (2001): 2–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38 Andaya and Andaya, ‘Interracial marriages’, p. 228.

39 Castro, As possessões, pp. 77–8; Gunn, Timor Loro Sae, p. 101. In a rare show of colonial solidarity, at times ‘the Dutch and Portuguese co-operated in their efforts to control the Black Portuguese, but the Larantuqueiros kept the Dutch at bay by assassinating their emissaries, and so the Dutch left Oecusse alone’. Fox, ‘Tracing’, p. 10.

40 Luna de Oliveira, Timor na história de Portugal, vol. 1 (Lisboa: Agência Geral das Colónias, 1949), p. 196; Castro, As possessões, pp. 78–9.

41 Castro, As possessões, p. 80.

42 Ibid., p. 80.

43 Ibid., pp. 81–7.

44 Ibid., p. 86.

45 Ibid., pp. 86, 101.

46 Fox, ‘Tracing’, p. 10.

47 Ibid., pp. 10–11.

48 Hägerdal, Lords, p. 396.

49 Yoder, Laura S. Meitzner, ‘Political ecologies of wood and wax: Sandalwood and beeswax as symbols and shapers of customary authority in the Oecusse enclave, Timor’, Journal of Political Ecology 18 (2011): 11–24Google Scholar.

50 Hägerdal, ‘Colonial rivalry’; Newitt, ‘Formal and informal empire’; Procuradoria da Diocese da Dili em Lisboa, ‘Introdução’, in Lasi sarani (Lisboa: Procuradoria da Diocese da Dili, 1956).

51 Castro, As possessões, p. 53.

52 Villiers, ‘As derradeiras’.

53 Castro, As possessões, pp. 27–8. Parada names the Queen of Mena in 1641, and in Lifau (on 1 July 1641) the king Francisco Ornai and his wife Agostinha, their family, among the many people were baptised, after some days of instruction in the faith. Parada, ‘Timor’, pp. 560–1; Hägerdal, Lords, p. 151.

54 Castro, As possessões, pp. 28–9, 51.

55 Hägerdal, Lords, p. 149–50.

56 Castro, As possessões, p. 51.

57 Hägerdal, Lords, p. 152.

58 Luna de Oliveira, Timor na História de Portugal, vol II (Lisboa: Agência Geral das Colónias, 1950), p. 284; Forjaz, Cypriano, ‘Governo de Timor’, Boletim da Provincia de Macau e Timor 39, 52 (1893): 575Google Scholar; Manuel Teixeira, ‘Pe. João Dos Reis Martins’, in Macau e a sua diocese, ed. Manuel Teixeira (Macau: Tipgrafia da Missão do Padroado, 1974), pp. 249–57.

59 Leitão, ‘Vinte e oito anos’.

60 dos Santos Vaquinhas, José, ‘III: Timor’, Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa 4 (1885): 479Google Scholar.

61 Hägerdal, Lords, pp. 328–35.

62 Schulte Nordholt, The political system, p. 450.

63 José S. Martinho, Problemas administrativos de colonizacão da provincia de Timor (Porto: Livraria Progredior, 1945), p. 187.

64 Ibid., p. 187.

65 Oliveira, Timor na história, vol. II, p. 56.

66 Ferreira, João Gomes, ‘Calculo approximado da população da parte Portugueza de Timor, feito en 1882’, Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa 20, 10 (1902): 129–31Google Scholar.

67 Procuradoria da Diocese da Dili em Lisboa, ‘Introdução’, p. xix.

68 Ibid., p. xx.

69 Manuel Teixeira, ‘Macau e a sua diocese’ (Macau: Tipografia da Missão do Padroado, 1974), p. 482.

70 Richard Daschbach, ‘Three guru agamas’, Divine Word Missionaries, Summer 1987, p. 8.

71 Babo-Soares, Dionísio, ‘Nahe Biti: The philosophy and process of grassroots reconciliation (and justice) in East Timor’, Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 5, 1 (2004): 15–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Richard Daschbach, ‘The rock of Bebu’, Divine Word Missionaries, Spring 1988; McWilliam, Andrew, Palmer, Lisa R. and Shepherd, Christopher, ‘Lulik encounters and cultural frictions in East Timor: Past and present’, Australian Journal of Anthropology 25, 3 (2014): 304–20Google Scholar; Laura S. Meitzner Yoder, ‘The tobe and tara bandu: A post-independence renaissance of forest regulation authorities and practices in Oecusse, East Timor’, in Modern crises and traditional strategies: Local ecological knowledge in island Southeast Asia, ed. Roy Ellen (New York: Berghahn, 2007), pp. 220–37; and Schulte Nordholt, The political system.

72 Meitzner Yoder, ‘Political ecologies’.

73 Schulte Nordholt, The political system, p. 455.

74 In 2003, some farmers in Suco Lifau stated that they still pay a portion of their rice harvest to the Hornay king, but that share is now accepted by Costa, in addition to Costa's own share. The Hornay family became established in Anas (West Timor). Fox, ‘Tracing’, p. 9.

75 Meitzner Yoder, ‘The tobe and tara bandu’.

76 Castro, As possessões, p. 59. The first Portuguese governor in Lifau sought to procure vows of vassalage soon after his arrival in 1702. Artur Teodoro de Matos, Timor Português 1515–1769: Contribuição para a sua história (Lisbon: Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisbon, Instituto Histórico Infante Dom Henrique, 1974).

77 de Timor, Governo, ‘Governo de Timor’, Boletim da Provincia de Macau e Timor 25, 43 (1879): 264–5Google Scholar.

78 Castro, Timor (Subsídos para a sua história), pp. 41, 43; Castro, As possessões, pp. 102–3.

79 Castro, As possessões, p. 113.

80 José A. Martinho, Os Portugueses no Oriente: Elementos para a história da ocupação de Timor (Lisboa: 1 Congreso da História da Expansão Portuguesa no Mundo, 2a. Seccao, 1938), p. 4.

81 Governo de Timor, ‘Governo de Timor’.

82 This was presumably Francisco Xavier de Mello, who signed both documents and is listed as ‘parocho e missionario de Okusse’.

83 Ibid., p. 264, my translation.

84 The five Ambeno princes were Antonio dos Santos Cruz, Carlos Hornay da Cruz, Simão da Cruz, Paulo de Cruz, and Bartholomeu Fernandes.

85 In the early 1870s and 1880s, neither Ambeno nor Oecusse paid tax (despite various governors' efforts to secure it) nor sent auxiliary troops to the Portuguese, whose authority was nominal. Dores, ‘Apontamentos’, pp. 767, 774, 814; José dos Santos Vaquinhas, ‘I: Timor’, Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa 4 (1883): 328.

86 Oliveira, Timor na história, vol. I, pp. 320–26.

87 ‘Alienação de Timor’, O Independente 10, 29 May 1888; José de Almeida, Bento Ferreira, ‘Projecto de lei para a troca dos dominios da Guiné, Ajudá e Timor, tendo em vista a centralisação do dominio colonial’, As Colonias Portuguezas 6, 7–8 (1888): 37–8Google Scholar.

88 Oliveira, Timor na história, vol. II, p. 348.

89 José Celestino da Silva, ‘Relatorio das operações de guerra no districto autónomo de Timor no anno de 1896, enviado ao Ministro e Secretario d'Estado dos Negocios da Marinha e Ultramar pelo Governador do mesmo districto’ (Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional, Ministerio dos Negócios da Marinha e Ultramar, 1897).

90 Ibid., pp. 112–13, 117–22.

91 Ibid., p. 122; on p. 177 listed as of Okussi.

92 James C. Scott, The art of not being governed: An anarchist history of upland Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009); Vaquinhas, ‘III: Timor’.

93 James C. Scott, Seeing like a state: How certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998).

94 J.S. Furnivall, Colonial policy and practice: A comparative study of Burma and Netherlands India (New York: New York University, 1956); Leach, Edmund R., ‘The frontiers of “Burma”’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 3, 1 (1960): 49–68Google Scholar; Thongchai Winichakul, Siam mapped: A history of the geo-body of a nation (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1994).

95 Farram, Steve, ‘The two Timors: The partitioning of Timor by the Portuguese and the Dutch’, Studies in Languages and Cultures of East Timor 2 (1999): 38–54Google Scholar.

96 Fox, ‘Tracing’, p. 12.

97 Oliveira, Timor na história, vol. I, p. 15.

98 The 1893 treaty named the kingdoms of Ocussi and Ambeno as covering 2,461 km². Ibid., p. 15. Modern Oecusse is approximately 815 km². In 1898, the first European measurements of Timor's south coast revealed that ‘the island turned out to be about one-eighth smaller than previously thought’. Farram, ‘The two Timors’, p. 46.

99 Farram, ‘The two Timors’, p. 42.

100 Some residents of Alor retained tributary alliances to Oecusse until at least 1879. Ibid., p. 45.

101 Ezerman, H.E.K., ‘Timor en onze politieke verhouding tot Portugal sedert het herstel van het Nederlandsch gezag in Oost-Indië’, Koloniaal Tijdschrift 6 (1917): 872–3Google Scholar; Albertus Heyman, ‘De Timor-Tractaten (1859–1893)’ (Proefschrift, Rijks-Universiteit te Leiden, 1895), p. 19.

102 Farram, ‘The two Timors’, pp. 42–3.

103 Ibid., p. 43.

104 Fox, ‘Tracing’, p. 14.

105 Ibid., p. 17. Ormeling believed that existing administrative boundaries represented the domains of native states. F.J. Ormeling, The Timor problem: A geographical interpretation of an underdeveloped island (Groningen and The Hague: J.B. Wolters and Martinus Nijhoff, 1956), p. 11.

106 Regarding territorial distinctions, Article 3 of the 1859 demarcation of Dutch and Portuguese territories divided what they understood to be the native state of Ambeno, stating that ‘the enclave of Oecusse includes the state of Ambeno in all the parts which have flown the Portuguese flag, the state of Oecusse properly said, and that of Naimuti’. Oliveira, Timor na história, vol. I, p. 322, my translation.

107 Portugal and Indonesia again disputed Oecusse's western border in 1970 because of a changed rivercourse. Farram, ‘The two Timors’, p. 52. After 1999, ownership of this portion of the Citrana region was repeatedly contested between East Timor and Indonesia.

108 Ibid., pp. 43–4; Oliveira, Timor na história, vol. I, p. 322.

109 Vaquinhas, ‘III: Timor’.

110 Vaquinhas, ‘I: Timor’, p. 307.

111 Ibid., p. 327. However, Vaquinhas only gives administrative divisions (suco, povoações) and population figures of people and cattle for Oecusse, and notes that Oecusse has the jurisdicção Fatomasse, an enclave inside the kingdom of Montael near Dili. Ambeno is simply noted for having the jurisdicção of Noimute and at least as many residents and cattle.

112 Citrana was known in the early 1870s as a settlement in the kingdom of Ambeno ‘where the kings of Okussi have always dealt in contraband’ (Dores, ‘Apontamentos’, p. 818, my translation). Silva warned his troops to be on guard against opium contraband. ‘Instrucções para os comandantes militares do districto do Timor’, Revista Militar 4 (1898): 104. Around this time, an Oecusse priest wrote about opium use in Oecusse. Teixeira, ‘Pe. João Dos Reis Martins’, p. 256.

113 Oliveira, Timor na história, vol. I, p. 14.

114 Fox, ‘Tracing’, pp. 14, 16; Heyman, ‘De Timor-Tractaten’.

115 Farram, ‘The two Timors’, p. 46.

116 Ibid., p. 47.

117 The disputed Bikomi corridor is illustrated in Frédéric Durand, Timor Lorosa'e, Pays au carrefour de l'Asie et du Pacifique: Un atlas géo-historique (Marne-la-Vallée: Presses Universitaires de Marne-la-Vallée, 2002), p. 51. Oecusse oral histories recount that during the Second World War, some inter-suco (administrative villages) offences were compensated by transferring portions of sandalwood-rich borderland from one suco to another, a very unusual case of a suco giving up land; recurrent disputes on that land still occur today.

118 Farram, ‘The two Timors’, pp. 47–8.

119 Ibid., pp. 42–5, 48.

120 Ibid., pp. 48–9. A 1911 map illustrates that the borders remained contested in several regions, most notably the entire northeastern portion (Tunbaba) and parts of Passabe on Oecusse's southern tip. Negócios Externos, ‘Annexe B à la lettre de la légation des Pays-Bas du 6 Décembre 1911. Annexe du ‘Résumé des questions' présenté par les délégués Néerlandais’, in Documentos apresentados ao Congresso da República em 1913 pelo Ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros: Limites de Okussi-Ambeno (Timor). Convenção de Arbitragem (Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional, 1913). After 1999, land disputes persisted in these same locations: the sites of inter-colonial border uncertainties were still sites of the most intractable land disputes in the independent state of Timor-Leste.

121 Farram, ‘The two Timors’, pp. 49–51.

122 Martinho, Problemas administrativos, pp. 267–8.

123 Durand, Timor Lorosa'e, p. 51; Farram, ‘The two Timors’, pp. 47–51.

124 Ormeling, The Timor problem, p. 99.

125 International Crisis Group (ICG), ‘Timor-Leste: Oecusse and the Indonesian border’ (Dili and Brussels: ICG, 2010).

126 Correia, Salustiano, ‘Timor’, Boletim da Sociedade Luso-Africana do Rio de Janeiro 5 (1933): 61–3Google Scholar.

127 Mário Gonçalves Viana, ‘Palavras de abertura’, in Timor: Quatro séculos de colonizacão Portuguesa (Porto: Livraria Progredior, 1943), p. xix.

128 Martinho, Problemas administrativos, p. 38, my translation.

129 Jaime do Inso, Timor-1912 (Lisbon: Edicões Cosmos, 1939), pp. 57–86; Parada, ‘Timor’, p. 567.

130 Manuel de Abreu Ferreira de Carvalho, Relatório dos acontecimentos de Timor (Lisboa: Ministério das Colónias, Imprensa Nacional, 1947), p. 457.

131 Ibid., p. 459.

132 Procuradoria da Diocese da Dili em Lisboa, ‘Introdução’, p. xx.

133 Kevin Sherlock, East Timor: Liurais and chefes de suco: Indigenous authorities in 1952 (Darwin: Kevin Sherlock, 1983).

134 Lundry, Chris, ‘From passivity to political resource: The Catholic Church and the development of nationalism in East Timor’, Asian Studies 38, 1 (2002): 1–33Google Scholar.

135 Reflecting on this incident, Peter Carey notes that in 1997 there were approximately 7,000 Muslim residents, or 20 per cent of the district's population. Peter Carey, ‘A personal journey through East Timor’, in The East Timor question: The struggle for independence from Indonesia, ed. Paul Hainsworth and Stephen McCloskey (London: I.B. Tauris, 2000), p. 30. In 2010, the census reported just 21 Muslim individuals in Oecusse. NSD and UNFPA, ‘Population and housing census 2010: Population distribution by administrative areas, vol. 2’ (Dili: NSD and UNFPA, 2011), p. 202.

136 Kelly Cristiane da Silva, ‘Processes of regionalisation in East Timor social conflicts’, in Translation, society and politics and Timor-Leste, ed. Paulo Castro Seixas (Porto: Universidade Fernando Pessoa, 2010), pp. 97–112; da Silva, Kelly Cristiane, ‘The Bible as Constitution or the Constitution as Bible? Nation-state building projects in East Timor’, Horizontes Antropológicos 13, 27 (2007): 213–35Google Scholar.

137 NSD and UNFPA, ‘Population and housing census 2010, vol. 2’, pp. xxi, 202.

138 Bob Breen, Mission accomplished, East Timor: The Australian Defence Force participation in the International Forces East Timor (INTERFET) (Crows Nest: Allen & Unwin, 2000), p. 107.

139 BBC, ‘Timor hero still seeking a future’, BBC online, 9 Oct. 2008; http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7659606.stm (last accessed 23 Jan. 2016).

140 Asian Development Bank (ADB), East Timor Transitional Administration (ETTA), World Bank, and United Nations Development Program, ‘The 2001 survey of sucos: Initial analysis and implications for poverty reduction’ (Dili: World Bank, 2001), pp. 34, 64. Available at http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2001/10/10133657/2001-survey-sucos-initial-analysis-implications-poverty-reduction (last accessed 25 Jan. 2015).

141 ICG, ‘Timor-Leste’.

142 Remarkably, the suggestion to swap Oecusse resurfaced even after East Timor's restoration of independence. Andrew MacIntyre, an Australia-based academic, regarded the enclave as a problematic ‘historical anomaly … costly to service and defend. Given that relatively few people live there and it has no major economic significance, it may well be that East Timor should consider trading this small geographical outpost with Indonesia for some suitable territorial or policy concession’, hinting that Oecusse might even be used as leverage in resolving the maritime boundary issue with Australia and Indonesia. Andrew MacIntyre, ‘An international strategy for the new East Timor: Some preliminary thoughts’, in Fox and Soares, Out of the ashes, pp. 225–6.

143 Bano, Arsenio and Rees, Edward, ‘The Oecussi-Ambeno enclave: What is the future for this neglected territory?’, Inside Indonesia 71 (2002)Google Scholar; ICG, ‘Timor-Leste’.

144 V Constitutional Government, Presidency of the Council of Ministers, ‘Extraordinary meeting of the Council of Ministers of 23rd of January 2015’, press release, 23 Jan. 2015; ‘Parlamentu Nasional aprova final global lei Rejiaun Espesial Oe-Cusse Ambeno’, Bulletin Governu, May 2014, p. 7.

145 Projecto Piloto Distrito Oecusse Zonas Especiais de Economia Social de Mercado de Timor-Leste (ZEESM T-L), ‘Special economic zones of social market economy: First steps towards a new Oecusse’ (2013–14). Available at http://www.laohamutuk.org/econ/Oecussi/ZEESMSituationAnalysisMar14en.pdf (last accessed 27 Jan. 2016).

146 ‘Preparasaun tinan 500 Portugal tama Timor, KM hasai pontu 12 ba ZEEMS’, Business Timor, 28 Apr. 2014; Meitzner Yoder, ‘The development eraser’.