Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-42gr6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-24T16:43:28.747Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

From Transnationalism to Olympic Internationalism: Polish Medical Experts and International Scientific Exchange, 1885–1939

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 April 2016

KATHARINA KREUDER-SONNEN*
Affiliation:
Institute for the History of Medicine, University of Bonn, Sigmund-Freud-Str. 25, 53127 Bonn, Katharina.Kreuder-Sonnen@ukb.uni-bonn.de

Abstract

The article analyses forms of international scientific exchange practised by Polish medical experts around 1900. Applying a transnational historiographical approach it asks whether and how the Polish nation mattered to Polish bacteriologists and epidemiologists travelling abroad or communicating with colleagues internationally. It shows that in the 1880s and 1890s the Warsaw bacteriologist Odo Bujwid rarely connected his scientific knowledge to Polish national causes but rather benefited from imperial structures. What was more, he transcended the borders between the two nationalised bacteriological thought styles of Louis Pasteur on the one hand and Robert Koch on the other. Bujwid thus eluded a clear link between science and nationalism. His practices of international scientific exchange can be called ‘transnational’. When a Polish state was re-established in 1918 bacteriology and epidemiology became closely entwined with Polish state- and nation-building. Polish medical scientists now worked for Polish state institutions and acted as state representatives in the international arena. International exchange and border-crossing scientific mobility now served, first of all, to underline Polish statehood and to present it as a modern and civilised country. These practices of international scientific exchange can be described as ‘Olympic Internationalism’.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2016 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Estimates vary but we can assume that about half of the medical students stemming from one of the nineteenth century Polish partitions studied at a university outside the Polish lands. See Brzeziński, Tadeusz, ‘Medyczne studia Polaków na uniwersytetach niemieckich’, Archiwum Historii i Filozofii Medycyny, 54, 1–2 (1991), 83–9, esp. 84Google Scholar; Nieznanowska, Joanna, ‘Polsko-niemiecka wymiana myśli medycznej w XIX wieku – Założenia metodologiczne projektu badawczego: Udział polskich autorów w dziewiętnastowiecznym niemieckim czasopiśmiennictwie medycznym na przykładzie periodyków wydawanych w Berlinie’, in Sachs, Michael, Płonka-Syroka, Bożena and Dross, Fritz, eds., Współpraca na polu medycyny między Niemcami i Polakami (Wrocław: Arboteum, 2008), 131–41, esp. 132Google Scholar.

2 Przybyłkiewicz, Zdzisław, ‘Odo Bujwid (30.XI.1857 – 26.XII.1942)’, Polski Tygodnik Lekarski, 20 (1965), 194–5, esp. 195Google Scholar.

3 Balińska, Marta A., For the Good of Humanity. Ludwik Rajchman: Medical Statesman (Budapest: C.E.U. Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

4 Hirszfeld, Ludwik, The Story of One Life, Balińska, Marta A. and Schneider, William H., eds., Balińska, Marta A., trans. (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2010 [1946])Google Scholar.

5 Iwona Dadej, ‘“Die Frau von morgen”: Frauenpolitisch tätige Akademikerinnen in Deutschland und Polen, 1918–1939’, Ph.D. thesis, Freie Universität Berlin, 2015, 360–5.

6 Brzeziński, Zbigniew, ‘Marcin Kacprzak’, Nauka Polska, 2 (1967), 62–6Google Scholar.

7 Giroud, Paul, ‘Hélène Sparrow-Germa (1891–1970)’, Bulletin de la Société de Pathologie Exotique, 63, 1 (1971), 13–4Google Scholar.

8 Katrin Steffen shows how a Polish scientist in metallurgy pursued a successful career with AEG in Germany at the beginning of the twentieth century and adopted a nationalised German scientific discourse. He only returned to Warsaw in the 1930s when he received a very generous offer from the Warsaw University of Technology. See Steffen, Katrin, ‘Wissenschaftler in Bewegung: Der Materialforscher Jan Czochralski zwischen den Weltkriegen’, Journal of Modern European History, 6, 2 (2008), 237–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Stauter-Halsted, Keely, The Nation in the Village: The Genesis of Peasant National Identity in Austrian Poland, 1848–1914 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Struve, Kai, Bauern und Nation in Galizien: Über Zugehörigkeit und soziale Emanzipation im 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005)Google Scholar; Weeks, Theodore R., From Assimilation to Antisemitism: The ‘Jewish Question’ in Poland, 1850–1914 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Wendland, Anna Veronika, Die Russophilen in Galizien: Ukrainische Konservative zwischen Österreich und Russland, 1848–1915 (Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2001)Google Scholar.

11 Porter-Szücs, Poland.

12 Werner, Michel and Zimmermann, Bénédicte, ‘Vergleich, Transfer, Verflechtung: Der Ansatz der “Histoire croisée” und die Herausforderung des Transnationalen’, Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 28 (2002), 607–36Google Scholar; Werner, Michel and Zimmermann, Bénédicte, ‘Beyond Comparison: Histoire Croisée and the Challenge of Reflexivity’, History and Theory, 45 (2006), 3050CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Zahra, Tara, ‘Imagined Noncommunities: National Indifference as a Category of Analysis’, Slavic Review, 69, 1 (2010), 93119CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 See, for example, Conrad, Sebastian and Randeria, Shalini, eds., Jenseits des Eurozentrismus: Postkoloniale Perspektiven in den Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2002)Google Scholar; Schaffer, Simon, Roberts, Lissa, Raj, Kapil and Delbourgo, James, eds., The Brokered World: Go-Betweens and Global Intelligence 1770–1820 (Sagamore Beach: Watson Publishing, 2009)Google Scholar; Tilse, Mark, Transnationalism in the Prussian East: From National Conflict to Synthesis, 1871–1914 (Basingstoke: Palgrace Macmillan, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 Patricia Clavin and Kiran K. Patel have emphasised that the transnational often strengthens the national. See Clavin, Patricia, ‘Defining Transnationalism’, Contemporary European History, 24, 4 (2005), 421–39, esp. 436CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kiran K. Patel, ‘Transnational History’, available at: http://www.ieg-ego.eu/patelk-2010-en (last visited 19 June 2015).

16 Iriye, Akira and Saunier, Pierre-Yves, eds., The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), xviiiCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 Somsen, Geert J., ‘A History of Universalism: Conceptions of the Internationality of Science from the Enlightenment to the Cold War’, Minerva, 46 (2008), 361–79, esp. 365–7Google Scholar.

18 Morabia, Alfredo, ‘Epidemiology: An Epistemological Perspective’, in Morabia, Alfredo, ed., A History of Epidemiological Methods and Concepts (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2004), 3125CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

19 For the complex story behind the identification of microbes, the production of the anthrax vaccine and the stabilisation of bacteriology as an accepted field of medical knowledge in France and Germany see Latour, Bruno, The Pasteurization of France (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988)Google Scholar; Gradmann, Christoph, Krankheit im Labor: Robert Koch und die medizinische Bakteriologie (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2005)Google Scholar; Berger, Silvia, Bakterien in Krieg und Frieden: Eine Geschichte der medizinischen Bakteriologie in Deutschland, 1890–1933 (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2009)Google Scholar.

20 Konopka, Stanisław, Podgórska-Klawe, Zofia and Dzierżanowski, Roman, ‘Medycyna’, in Suchodolski, Bogdan, ed., Historia Nauki Polskiej, vol. 4 (Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1987), 387–8Google Scholar.

21 Bujwid, Odo, Osamotnienie. Pamiętniki z lat 1932–1942. Przygotowali do druku, wstępem i przypisami opatrzyli: Danuta i Tadeusz Jarosińcy (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 1990), 208Google Scholar. As there is very little archival material, Bujwid's memoirs are among the most important historical sources about his life. They will be repeatedly cited throughout this article. Bujwid wrote them during the last ten years of his life, from 1932 to 1942, after his wife had passed away. They take the form of letters to the deceased Kazimiera Bujwidowa, and resemble entries in a diary. His ‘letters’ contain information about his everyday-life, mixed with memories from the past. As a result of this structure, Bujwid does not tell his life story in chronological order, but in scattered bits and pieces throughout the book. Furthermore, his memories appear closely entangled with what he is experiencing in his everyday life.

22 Ibid. 68–9.

23 Ibid. 62.

24 The term ‘style’ refers to Ludwik Fleck's concept of thought style and thought collective. Fleck, himself a Polish bacteriologist, developed his philosophy of science analysing the coming into being of the bacteriological and serological thought style in Germany. Fleck was a critic of Koch's linear, monocausal and antagonistic disease explanations. See Fleck, Ludwik, Entstehung und Entwicklung einer wissenschaftlichen Tatsache: Einführung in die Lehre vom Denkstil und Denkollektiv (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1980)Google Scholar.

25 Berger, Bakterien, 56–9.

26 Koch, Robert, ‘Die Ätiologie der Tuberkulose: Nach einem in der Physiologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin am 24. März 1882 gehaltenen Vortrag’, in Schwalbe, J., Gesammelte Werke von Robert Koch (Leipzig: Thieme, 1912), 428–45Google Scholar.

27 For the significance of the visual representations of bacteria for stabilising bacteriology in Germany, see Schlich, Thomas, ‘Repräsentationen von Krankheitserregern: Wie Robert Koch Bakterien als Krankheitsursache dargestellt hat’, in Rheinberger, Hans-Jörg, Hagner, Michael and Wahrig-Schmidt, Bettina, eds., Räume des Wissens: Repräsentation, Codierung, Spur (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1997), 165–90Google Scholar.

28 Bujwid, Odo, ‘Z pracowni Prof. Roberta Koch'a. Z wycieczki naukowej odbytej kosztem Kasy pomocy naukowej imienia Dr. J. Mianowskiego’, Gazeta Lekarska, 5 (1885), 626964Google Scholar.

29 Bujwid, Osamotnienie, 216–8.

30 Latour, Pasteurization, 63–5.

31 Moulin, Anne Marie, ‘La métaphore vaccine’, in Moulin, Anne Marie, ed., L'aventure de la vaccination (Paris: Fayard, 1996), 125–42Google Scholar.

32 Koch, Robert, ‘Über die Milzbrandimpfung. Eine Entgegnung auf den von Pasteur in Genf gehaltenen Vortrag‘ [1882], in Schwalbe, J., Gesammelte Werke von Robert Koch (Leipzig: Thieme, 1912), 207–31Google Scholar.

33 Bujwid, ‘Z pracowni’, 962–3.

34 John A. Mendelsohn, ‘Cultures of Bacteriology: Formation and Transformation of a Science in France and Germany, 1870–1914’, Ph.D. thesis, Princeton University, 1996, 6–7, 99–100; Moulin, Anne Marie, ‘Patriarchal Science. The Network of the Overseas Pasteur Institutes’, in Petitjean, Patrick, ed., Science and Empires: Historical Studies about Scientific Development and European Expansion (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), 307–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35 Geison, Gerald L., The Private Science of Louis Pasteur (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), ch.8Google Scholar.

36 Bujwid, Osamotnienie, 217–8.

37 Bujwid, Odo, ‘Powstanie zakładów szczepień przeciwko wściekliźnie w Warszawie i Krakowie’, Warszawskie Czasopismo Lekarskie, 13, 13–4 (1937), 256–7, 274–6, esp. 257Google Scholar.

38 Bujwid, Odo, ‘Z Paryża: O metodzie Pasteur'a’, Gazeta Lekarska, 6 (1886), 483–6, esp. 484Google Scholar.

39 Bujwid, ‘Powstanie’, 257.

40 Geison, Private Science, 220–7.

41 Bujwid, Osamotnienie, 220.

42 Bujwid, ‘Z Paryża’, 484.

43 Dormus, Katarzyna, Kazimiera Bujwidowa 1867–1932: Życie i działalność społeczno-oświatowa (Kraków: Secesja, 2002)Google Scholar.

44 Bujwid, Osamotnienie, 43, 75.

45 The rabies vaccine was administered during the incubation period, after persons had been bitten, but before the disease actually broke out. Bujwid, Odo, ‘Metoda Pasteur'a. Ocena prac i doświadczeń nad ochronnemi szczepieniami wścieklizny: Wyniki własnych poszukiwań oraz statystyka szczepień w Warszawie’, Gazeta Lekarska, 7 (1887), 716–21, 740–6, 762–7, 787–92, 808–14, 827–32, esp. 791Google Scholar. However, Bujwid's first patient, the eleven-year-old Artur Stobóy, died three months after he had been vaccinated. This received negative headlines. See Stobóy, Artur, ‘Korespondencyja’, Gazeta Lekarska, 7 (1887), 196–7Google Scholar; Anonymous, ‘Zur Beurtheilung der Resultate von Pasteur's Hundswuthimpfung’, Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift, 37, 1 (1887), 21–2.

46 Bujwid, Osamotnienie, 218.

47 Więckowska, Elżbieta, ‘Początki opieki zdrowotnej nad ludnościa Królestwa Polskiego na przełomie XIX i XX w.’, Zdrowie Publiczne, 5–6 (1985), 227–37Google Scholar; Hanecki, Michał, ‘Z dziejów warszawskiej służby zdrowia w latach 1863–1900’, in Kalabiński, Stanisław and Kołodziejczyk, Ryszard, eds., Warszawa Popowstaniowa, 1864–1918 (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1968), 99158Google Scholar.

48 Caumanns, Ute, ‘Das Krankenhaus im Königreich Polen: Zwischen Reform und staatlicher Intervention (1815–1914)’, Archiwum Historii i Filozofii Medycyny, 62, 4 (1999), 429–43, esp. 432–3Google Scholar.

49 Więckowska, ‘Początki’, 228; Hanecki, ‘Z dziejów’, 100.

50 Bujwid, ‘Metoda Pasteur'a’, 827.

51 Bujwid, ‘Powstanie’, 274–5.

52 Bujwid, Osamotnienie, 55.

53 Więckowska, ‘Początki’; Caumanns, Ute, ‘Modernisierung unter den Bedingungen der Teilung: Überlegungen zur Frage strukturellen und kulturellen Wandels in Warschau am Beispiel öffentlicher Gesundheit’, in Goehrke, Carsten and Pietrow-Ennker, Bianka, eds., Städte im östlichen Europa: Zur Problematik von Modernisierung und Raum vom Spätmittelalter bis zum 20. Jahrhundert (Zürich: Chronos, 2006), 365–91Google Scholar; Rolf, Malte, Imperiale Herrschaft im Weichselland: Das Königreich Polen im Russischen Imperium (1864–1915) (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2015), 217–45Google Scholar.

54 Caumanns, Ute, ‘Miasto i zdrowie a perspektywa porównawcza: Uwagi metodyczne na przykładzie reform sanitarnych w XIX-wiecznej Warszawie’, Medycyna Nowożytna, 7, 1 (2000), 4562, esp. 49–51Google Scholar.

55 Porter, Brian, When Nationalism Began to Hate: Imagining Modern Politics in Nineteenth-Century Poland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 4452Google Scholar; Weeks, Theodore R., Nation and State in Late Imperial Russia: Nationalism and Russification on the Western Frontier, 1863–1914 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1996), 112–4Google Scholar.

56 Caumanns, ‘Miasto i zdrowie’, 52; Caumanns, ‘Modernisierung’, 378–9.

57 Caumanns, ‘Miasto i zdrowie’, 52; Rolf, Imperiale Herrschaft, 233–45.

58 Bujwid, Osamotnienie, 55.

59 Ibid. 72.

60 Ibid. 207.

61 Ibid. 101.

62 It was later transformed into the Russian Institute of Experimental Medicine. While in St. Petersburg Bujwid worked mostly on the effects of ‘Tuberkulin‘, an (ineffective) remedy against tuberculosis developed by Robert Koch. See Bujwid, Odo, ‘Doświadczenia na zwierzętach z tuberkuliną: Rzecz czytana na posiedzeniu Warsz. Tow. Lek. w d. 5 Maja 1851r.’[sic], Gazeta Lekarska, 11 (1891), 582–8Google Scholar.

63 Bujwid, Osamotnienie, 53.

64 Bujwid, Odo, Pięć odczytów o bakteryjach: Rys zasad ogólnych bakteryjologii w zastosowaniu do chorób zaraźliwych z dołączeniem uwag o szczepienniach ochronnych (Warszawa: Kowalewski, 1887), Talk No. 2Google Scholar.

65 Bujwid to Koch, 6 Sept. 1892, RKI as/b1/263, Archive of the Robert Koch Institute, Berlin.

66 Bujwid, Osamotnienie, 223.

67 Schlich, ‘Repräsentationen von Krankheitserregern’.

68 For cooperation between French and German bacteriologists, see Klöppel, Ulrike, ‘Enacting Cultural Boundaries in French and German Diphtheria Serum Research’, Science in Context, 21 (2008), 161–80CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

69 Bujwid, Odo, Rys zasad bakteryologii w zastosowaniu do medycyny i hygieny. Część I: Ogólna z 2 tablicami chromolitografowanemi. Odbitka z czasopisma “Zdrowie” (Warszawa: Skład Główny w Księgarni Teodora Paprockiego i S-ki, 1890), 2 (emphasis in the original)Google Scholar.

70 Hoyer, Henryk, ‘Uwagi nad piśmiennictwem lekarskim polskim’, Gazeta Lekarska, 23 (1903), 833–6, 857–61, 878–82, esp. 834Google Scholar.

71 Iriye and Saunier, The Palgrave Dictionary, xviii.

72 Micińska, Magdalena, Inteligencja na rozdrożach, 1864–1918 (Warszawa: Neriton, 2008)Google Scholar; Ash, Mitchell G. and Surman, Jan, eds., The Nationalisation of Scientific Knowledge in Nineteenth-Century Central Europe (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012)Google Scholar. Koch and Pasteur are a case in point for the German and French contexts. For scientific nationalism in other European scientific communities, see Jordanova, Ludmilla, ‘Science and Nationhood: Cultures of Imagined Communities’, in Cubitt, Geoffrey, ed., Imagining Nations (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), 192–211; Somsen, ‘History of Universalism’, 364–5Google Scholar.

73 Ruth Leiserowitz's project at the GHI Warsaw, ‘Studium im 19. Jahrhundert. Wechselwirkungen zwischen transnationaler Verflechtung und nationaler Identität’, tackles this question. See http://www.dhi.waw.pl/de/forschung/forschungsprogramm/nationale-identitaet-und-transnationale-verflechtung.html#c223 (last visited 20 June 2015).

74 Leiserowitz, Ruth, ‘“Das unsichtbare Gepäck”: Warschauer Studenten und Wissenschaftler des 19. Jahrhunderts als Akteure des Wissenstransfer’, in Leiserowitz, Ruth and Lehnstaedt, Stephan, eds., Lesestunde/Lekcja czytania (Warszawa: Neriton, 2013), 2736, esp. 35Google Scholar.

75 The term ‘expert’ encompasses more than just a specialist in a certain field of knowledge. ‘Experts’ emerge when peers and a wider public assign to specialists the duty and authority to represent this field within their community. See Kohlrausch, Martin, Steffen, Katrin and Wiederkehr, Stefan, ‘Introduction’, in Kohlrausch, Martin, Steffen, Katrin and Wiederkehr, Stefan, eds., Expert Cultures in Central Eastern Europe: The Internationalization of Knowledge and the Transformation of Nation States since World War I (Osnarbrück: Fibre, 2010), 930, esp. 10Google Scholar.

76 Weindling, Paul J., Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe 1890–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 140–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

77 Fighting ended in October 1920, but a peace treaty was signed only in March 1921.

78 Górny, Janusz, ‘Pierwsze Ministerstwo Zdrowia Publicznego w Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 1919–1923’, Zdrowie Publiczne, 87, 6 (1976), 485–93. The Ministry was dissolved at the end of 1923 when the typhus epidemic had ceased. The responsibility for public health was moved to the Ministry of the Interior and later to the Ministry of Public WelfareGoogle Scholar.

79 Its activities broadened to include a wide range of social medicine during the interwar period. Bacteriological diagnostics and the production and control of sera and vaccines remained one of its core tasks for the Polish state. See Balińska, Marta A., ‘The National Institute of Hygiene and Public Health in Poland 1918–1939’, Social History of Medicine, 9, 3 (1996), 427–45Google Scholar; Więckowska, Elżbieta, ‘Państwowy Zakład Higieny w Warszawie w latach 1918–1954: Organizacja, cele, zadania’, Medycyna Nowożytna, 8, 2 (2001), 131–52Google Scholar.

80 Więckowska, Elżbieta, Walka z ostrymi chorobami zakaźnymi w Polsce w latach 1918–1924 (Wrocław: Akademia Medyczna w Wrocławiu, 1999), 34–5Google Scholar.

81 Steffen, ‘Wissenschaftler in Bewegung’, 242–3; Steffen, Katrin, ‘Migration, Transfer und Nation: Die Wissensräume polnischer Naturwissenschaftler im 20. Jahrhundert’, in Hübinger, Gangolf, ed., Europäische Wissenschaftskulturen und politische Ordnungen in der Moderne (1890–1970) (München: Oldenbourg, 2014), 185205, esp. 192–3Google Scholar.

82 Helena Sparrow had served in the Tsarist army during the First World War and worked in a Kiev hospital until Polish troops fled the city in 1920. Marcin Kacrpazk was a district physician in the governorate of Pskov until 1921. For the biographies of Sparrow, Kacprzak and Adamowicz see Giroud, ‘Sparrow’; Brzeziński, ‘Kacprzak’; Dadej, ‘Frau von morgen’, 360–5.

83 Balińska, For the Good of Humanity, 43.

84 Hirszfeld, Story, 11–28.

85 Weindling, Epidemics, 143–4; Balińska, Marta A., ‘Assistance and not Mere Relief: The Epidemic Commission of the League of Nations, 1920–1923’, in Weindling, Paul J., ed., International Health Organisations and Movements, 1918–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 81108CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86 For the complicated process of forming the official structures of an international public health organisation within the League see Borowy, Iris, Coming to Terms with World Health. The League of Nations Health Organisation 1921–1946 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2009), 5563Google Scholar.

87 Weindling, Epidemics, 146–7.

88 During the London conference the League members had decided to provide 3.25 million pounds to the Polish government to fight the disease. However, the promised donations would not come in. Only a year after the conference had governments paid a small part of the agreed sum enabling the established typhus commission to start supplying Polish health authorities with foodstuff and sanitary equipment. See Borowy, Coming to Terms, 49–50.

89 The LNHO consisted of a section functioning as a secretariat, a health committee of eight supposedly apolitical members and several sub-committees. See ibid. 63.

90 That international health politics played a role for the PZH and its employees becomes clear also with regard to its State School of Hygiene, established in 1926. The building was largely funded by the Rockefeller Foundation as well as by donations from the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee. See Balińska, ‘National Institute’, 433. For the Rockefeller fellowship programmes see below.

91 The Poles were suspected of exaggerating and several ‘fact-finding-commissions’ came home with very ambivalent reports. See Borowy, Coming to Terms, 47–54.

92 Statement of result of discussion between Dr. George Buchanan and Dr. Edward John Steegmann with Colonel Hugh Cumming, 18 July 1919, cited in ibid. 42.

93 Ibid. 103–4.

94 Health Section of the Secretariat of the League of Nations, Weekly Record No 1, 1 April (Geneva, 1926).

95 Państwowy Zakład Higieny w Warszawie, Sprawozdanie z działalności za rok 1924 i 1925 (Warszawa 1926), 14.

96 Zasadnicza Ustawa Sanitarna z dnia 19 lipca 1919r., Dziennik Praw. Nr. 63, Poz. 371.

97 Okręgowy Urząd Zdrowia w Toruniu to district medical officers of Pomorskie Voivodship, 30 Jan. 1920, UWP w Toruniu 11860, Archiwum Państwowe w Bydgoszczy, Bydgoszcz, unpaginated.

98 Various correspondence, UWP w Toruniu 11860, Archiwum Państwowe w Bydgoszczy, Bydgoszcz; various correspondence, Akta m. Łodzi 19269, Archiwum Państwowe w Łodzi, Łódź.

99 Oddział Statystyczno-Epidemjologiczny P.S.H., Sprawozdanie z działalności za 1929 rok, MOS 606, unpaginated, Archiwum Akt Nowych, Warszawa.

100 Okólnik Nr. 270, Nr. Z.Z. 6842/29, 2. Nov.1929, Urząd Wojewódzki Łodzki 3136 f, 52, Archiwum Państwowe w Łodzi, Łódź.

101 Ibid.

102 The Ukrainian national movement had fought an unsuccessful war against Poland in 1918/1919 to claim eastern Galicia for a Ukrainian state. Anti-Semitic pogroms had taken place in Lvov and other Galician towns between 1918 and 1920. The conflict concerning Silesia, Pomerania and Masuria between Germany and Poland became further manifest in local upheavals and general strikes. See Brzoza, Czesław and Sowa, Andrzej L., Historia Polski 1918–1945 (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 2006), 2949Google Scholar; Zloch, Stephanie, Polnischer Nationalismus: Politik und Gesellschaft zwischen den beiden Weltkriegen (Köln: Böhlau, 2010), 3899CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 Borodziej, Włodzimierz, Geschichte Polens im 20. Jahrhunert (München: Beck, 2010), 126CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

104 For the meaning of statistics in nation- and state-building, see, for example, Anderson, Benedict, Die Erfindung der Nation: Zur Karriere eines folgenreichen Konzepts (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1996[1983]), 163–72Google Scholar; Scott, John C., Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998)Google Scholar; Judson, Pieter M., Guardians of the Nation: Activists on the Language Frontiers of Imperial Austria (Cambridge, MA: Havard University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

105 See, for example, Kacprzak, Marcin, ‘Kronika Epidemjologiczna Nr. 1’, Medycyna Doświadczalna i Społeczna, 6 (1926), 144–60, esp. 152Google Scholar; Kacprzak, Marcin, ‘Kronika Epidemjologiczna Nr. 3. Rok 1926’, Medycyna Doświadczalna i Społeczna, 7 (1927), 299308, esp. 303Google Scholar; Kacprzak, Marcin, ‘Kronika Epidemjologiczna. Rok 1927’, Medycyna Doświadczalna i Społeczna, 8 (1927), 435–52, esp. 447–8Google Scholar.

106 Kacprzak, ‘Kronika Nr. 1’, 145–6.

107 During the First World War doctors had to report numerous deaths after treating soldiers with tetanus serum because different countries specified strength and effect of their sera in different ways. What was more, the unofficial centre of international standardisation, Paul Ehrlich's institute in Frankfurt, had lost its credibility with the events of the First World War. For a detailed discussion of the League's standardisation activities see Mazumdar, Pauline M., ‘“In the Silence of the Laboratory”: The League of Nations Standardizes Syphilis Tests’, Social History of Medicine, 16 (2003), 437–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mazumdar, Pauline M., ‘The State, the Serum Institutes and the League of Nations’, in Gradmann, Christoph and Simon, Jonathan, eds., Evaluating and Standardizing Therapeutic Agents, 1890–1950 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 118–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Borowy, Iris, ‘Serological and Biological Standardisation at the League of Nations Health Organisation, 1921–1939’, in Bonah, Christian, Masutti, Christophe, Rasmussen, Anne and Simon, Jonathan, eds., Harmonizing Drugs: Standards in 20th-Century Pharmaceutical History (Paris: Éditions Glyphe, 2009), 203–20Google Scholar.

108 Clavin, Patricia and Wessels, Jens-Wilhelm, ‘Transnationalism and the League of Nations. Understanding the Work of Its Economic and Financial Organisation’, Contemporary European History, 14, 4 (2005), 465–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zaidi, Waqar, ‘Liberal Internationalist Approaches to Science and Technology in Interwar Britain and the United States’, in Laqua, Daniel, ed., Internationalism reconfigured: Transnational Ideas and Movements Between the World Wars (London, New York: Tauris, 2011), 1743Google Scholar.

109 Ibid. 119.

110 Hirszfeld, Story, 124.

111 Hirszfeld, Ludwik, ‘Stan współczesny serodjagnostyki kiły. Metodyka odczynów serodjagnostycznych w kile’, Medycyna Doświadczalna i Społeczna, 2 (1924), 402–39, esp. 419Google Scholar.

112 Ibid.

113 Extract from unknown newspaper, Jan. 1938, PZH 2/191, 3, Archiwum Akt Nowych, Warszawa.

114 J.D. Rockefeller in memoriam. Przemówienie wygłoszono na uroczystości odsłonięcia płaskorzeźby J. D. Rockefellera w Państwowej Szkole Higieny w dniu 6 stycznia 1938r. w Warszawie (Warszawa 1938), 3.

115 Weindling, Paul J., ‘Public Health and Political Stabilization: Rockefeller Funding in Interwar Central/Eastern Europe’, Minerva, 31 (1993), 253–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

116 From 1922 to 1939 there were forty-five PZH collaborators who were able to study in the United States on a Rockefeller grant. Anonymous, Notatka dotycząca udziału fundacji Rockefellera w budowie Państwowej Szkoły Higieny, 11 Sept. 1963, PZH 2/191, 1, Archiwum Akt Nowych, Warszawa.

117 Various Correspondence, Laboratory Exchange/Poland, Document No. 28471x, LNA R. 852/26189, League of Nations Archive, Genève.

118 Schot, Johan and Lagendijk, Vincent, ‘Technocratic Internationalism in the Interwar Years: Building Europe on Motorways and Electricity Networks’, Journal of Modern European History, 6, 2 (2008), 196217CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Clavin, Patricia, ‘Introduction. Conceptualising Internationalism Between the World Wars’, in Laqua, Internationalism, 114Google Scholar; Laqua, Daniel, ‘Internationalism ou Affirmation de la Nation? La Coopération Intellectuelle Transnationale dans l'Entre-Deux-Guerres’, Critique international, 52, 3 (2011), 5167CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sluga, Glenda, Internationalism in the Age of Nationalism (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

119 Clavin and Wessels, ‘Transnationalism’; Zaidi, ‘Liberal Internationalist Approaches’.

120 Somsen, ‘History of Universalism’, 365–7.