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Gender as an inflectional category

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 October 2002

ANDREW SPENCER
Affiliation:
University of Essex

Abstract

Russian adjectives, especially participles, can be used as nouns denoting people, e.g. bol′noj/bol′naja ‘(male/female) patient’ from bol′noj ‘sick’, učaščijsja/učaščajasja ‘(boy/girl) pupil’, participle from the verb učit′sja ‘to learn, study’. These are unusual in that they formally reflect the sex of their referent by means of inflectional morphology. Moreover, many surnames inflect like adjectives and they, too, inflect for gender: Mr. Puškin, Čexov, Tolstoj, Dostoevskij but Ms. Puškina, Čexova, Tolstaja, Dostoevskaja. Lexemes such as ‘patient, pupil’ are genuine nouns and not just adjectives modifying null nouns. The latter type do exist and have different properties from converted nouns. Converted nouns and adjectival surnames thus form systematic gender pairs which are forms of a single lexeme. However, gender is not conventionally regarded as an inflection category of the kind which induces word forms of lexemes in this way, rather it is an inherent ‘classificatory’ property of nouns. The paper discusses the peculiar nature of this type of inflectional marking and provides an explicit analysis of the construction. On the semantic side, nouns such as bol′noj, učaščijsja have a similar representation to that of a phrase person who is sick/studies and we effectively have an instance of the poorly researched phenomenon of de-phrasal word formation. On the morphosyntactic side, the lexical entry of the deadjectival noun or surname shares crucial properties with 3rd person pronouns. The analysis raises questions about the nature of lexical categories (especially ‘mixed categories’) and the structure of lexical entries generally.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© 2002 Cambridge University Press

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Footnotes

This paper arose out of a project supported by the Economic and Social Research Council, R000236115 (see note 2). The paper was presented at the Spring Meeting of the Linguistics Assocation of Great Britain, 6–8 April, 2000, University College London. I am grateful to Marina Zaretskaya for informant judgements and to two JL referees for comments which helped substantially improve an earlier version. I provide a broad transcription of Russian words, in which a palatalized consonant is indicated by ′. Palatalization after /e/ is (almost) completely regular and so I do not indicate it. Following Slavicist practice ‘c’ is an alveolar affricate /t[esh]s/, ‘č’ is a palato-alveolar affricate /t/, ‘š’ and ‘ž’ are, respectively, voiceless and voiced palato-alveolar fricatives /[esh]/ and /[ezh]/. The vowel ‘i’ after a non-palatalized consonant is pronounced as a high unrounded central vowel /[barred-i]/ and as /i/ elsewhere (including after velar consonants). Abbreviations used in glosses are as follows: NOM ‘Nominative’, ACC ‘Accusative’, GEN ‘Genitive’, SG ‘Singular’, PL ‘Plural’, MASC ‘Masculine’, FEM ‘Feminine’, NEUT ‘Neuter’, REFL ‘Reflexive’. As far as possible, I abide by the convention that names of morphosyntactic properties are given initial capitalization when they name features in an individual grammar but remain uncapitalized when they denote a generic grammatical phenomenon.