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Infinity and creation: the origin of the controversy between Thomas Hobbes and the Savilian professors Seth Ward and John Wallis

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 January 2009

Siegmund Probst
Affiliation:
Institut für Philosophie, Universität Regensburg, D-93040 Regensburg, Germany.

Extract

Until recently, historians of mathematics usually agreed in refusing to consider the numerous geometrical publications of Thomas Hobbes as a contribution to the development of mathematics in the seventeenth century. From time to time, one could find statements that although Hobbes did not find new theorems he undoubtedly had profound insights into the logical foundations of mathematics, but these occasional remarks did not encourage historians to go deeper into Hobbes's mathematical thought. In the end, the general conclusion was that Hobbes's preoccupation with squaring the circle, doubling the cube (starting when the philosopher was more than forty years of age), and challenging Euclid's definitions were better ignored, at least in the history of science. In particular, his controversy with the Savilian professors Seth Ward and John Wallis was seen as a ‘deplorable affair’, liable only to damage the reputation of the protagonists.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British Society for the History of Science 1993

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References

The author wishes to thank Michael Hunter for his valuable comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this essay and to acknowledge the support provided by the Gustav Kettel-Stiftung, Königswinter.

As far as possible, the works of Thomas Hobbes are quoted from the first editions; in addition, the locations in the editions of Sir William Molesworth, London, 1839-1845, English Works, 11 volumes, and Opera Latina, 5 volumes (subsequently quoted as: EW, respectively OL) are indicated. The Elements of Law, Natural and Politic, are quoted from the edition of Ferdinand Tonnies (2nd edn, London, 1969; subsequently quoted as: Elements).

1 For a comprehensive survey on Hobbes and the historians of mathematics see Schuhmann, Karl, ‘Geometrie und Philosophie bei Thomas Hobbes’, Philosophisches Jahrbuch (1985), 92, 161–77Google Scholar, especially 171f, and Breidert, Wolfgang, ‘Les mathematiques et la méthode mathématique chez Hobbes’, Revue Internationale de Philosophie (1979) 33, 415–31.Google Scholar

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6 Ward, Seth, A Philosophicall Essay Towards an Eviction of the Being and Attributes of God, The Immortality of the Souls of Men, The Truth and Authority of Scripture, Oxford, 1652Google Scholar, ‘To the Reader’, A3ff (subsequently quoted as: Essay).

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15 Although Reik, Miriam M. (The Golden Lands of Thomas Hobbes, Detroit 1977, 83 n. 12)Google Scholar stresses the point that a considerable part of the clergy had been prejudiced against Hobbes already by the publication of De cive, recent research confirms that the Leviathan was to bring about the turning point in the Anglicans' attitude to Hobbes: see Tuck, Richard, ‘The “Christian Atheism” of Thomas Hobbes’, in Hunter, Michael and Wootton, David (eds.), Atheism from the Reformation to the Enlightenment, Oxford, 1992, 111–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

16 See Hobbes, Thomas, Leviathan, London, 1651, especially Part IVGoogle Scholar, ‘Of the kingdome of darknesse’, 333–88Google Scholar (EW, iii, 603700Google Scholar); Ward referred to these reproaches in the Vindiciae, op. cit. (14), 54Google Scholar. See also Tuck, Richard, ‘Introduction’Google Scholar to Hobbes, Thomas, Leviathan, Cambridge, 1991, pp. xxiixxv.Google Scholar

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18 We should bear in mind that the Savilian chairs of geometry and of astronomy did not exist before 1619. The unsettled theological position of the Experimental Philosophy is delineated in chapter 7 of Shapin, and Schaffer, , op. cit. (4), 283331Google Scholar. See also Malcolm, Noel, ‘Hobbes and the Royal Society’, in Rogers, G. A. J. and Ryan, Alan (eds.), Perspectives on Thomas Hobbes, Oxford, 1988, 4366, especially 57f.Google Scholar

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22 Metzger, , op. cit. (9), 89103, 121–30, 146–57.Google Scholar

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24 So the English translation in the Seven Philosophical Problems (EW, vii, 5fGoogle Scholar). (Quae cum ita sint, lectores meos monitos hic vellem, ne malevolorum convitiis temere credentes aliter de me quam aequum est sentire velint: nec vitio vertant, si contra hostes tuos pugnans, et quaecunque potui tela corripiens, gladio uno usus sum ancipite. OL, iv, p. 303).Google Scholar

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26 See The Nicholas Papers. Correspondence of Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary of State (ed. Warner, George F.), Oxford, 1886, reprinted, New York and London, 1965, i, 286f.Google Scholar

27 Malcolm, , op. cit. (18), 51–4.Google Scholar

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29 See Controversiae de verâ circuli mensurâ anno MDCXLIV exortae, inter Christianum Severini, Longomontanum, Cimbrum, Superiorum Mathematum in Regiâ Danorum Academiâ Havniensi, professorem publicum et loannem Pellium, Coritano-regnum, Anglum, Matheseos, in illustri Amstelodamiensium Gymnasia, professorem publicum, pars prima, Amstelodami, 1647, 46Google Scholar. Three years later, Robert Boyle had informed Samuel Hartlib of the results of (probably anatomical) studies of his; Hartlib communicated the letter to Hobbes who welcomed Boyle's results. See Hartlib, to Boyle, , The Works of the Honourable Robert Boyle (ed. Birch, Thomas), London, 1772, vi, 77Google Scholar; see also Skinner, Quentin, ‘Thomas Hobbes and the nature of the early Royal Society’, The Historical Journal (1969), 12, 232.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30 See Huygens, Christiaan, Oeuvres complètes, La Haye, 1888ff, i, 176fGoogle Scholar. Hobbes also has spoken favourably of this tract to Christiaan's brother Lodewijck. See Huygens, Lodewijck, The English Journal 1651–1652 (ed. and tr. Bachrach, A. G. H. and Collmer, R. G.), Leiden, 1982, 74f and 218.Google Scholar

31 Cf. EW, vii, 336–41, especially 337Google Scholar; see also Wallis, John, Elenchus geometriae Hobbianae. Sive, geometricorum, quae in ipsius ‘Elementis Philosophiae’, à Thoma Hobbes Malmesburiensi proferuntur, refutatio, Oxford, 1655, 113–19, especially 116f.Google Scholar

32 See EW, ii, 340.Google Scholar

33 Vindiciae, op. cit. (14), 6f and 53f.Google Scholar

34 Essay, ‘To the Reader’, op. cit. (6), A3.Google Scholar

35 Vindiciae, op. cit. (14) 57f.Google Scholar

36 Malcolm, , op. cit. (18), 54Google Scholar, observes that the question of the universities became suddenly topical in 1654 when their abolition was proposed in the Barebones Parliament.

37 Johnston, David, ‘Hobbes's Mortalism’, History of Political Thought (1989), 10, 647–63Google Scholar, and Metzger, , op. cit. (9), 241–9, especially 244fGoogle Scholar, point to the fact that Hobbes took up the concept of the mortalism of the soul only after De cive (1642) and published his view for the first time in the Leviathan, at a moment when mortalism – after a period of liberal discussion – had been finally rejected by the presbyterian and the anglican clergy; see also Tuck, , op. cit. (15), 128.Google Scholar

38 Essay, op. cit. (6), 1417.Google Scholar

39 In his subsequent discussion of the same topic with Hobbes, Wallis was quite delicately to maintain a standpoint diametrically opposed to Ward's: see Wallis, John, ‘An answer to four papers of Mr Hobs, lately published in the months of August, and this present September, 1671’, Philosophical Transactions (18 09 1671), 75, 2241–50, especially 2242f.Google Scholar

40 Wallis will present a counter-example in his dispute with Hobbes: an infinitely produced line, starting or ending at a fixed point (ibid.).

41 Cf. North, John D., ‘One truth or more?’, in Unguru, Sabetai (ed.), Physics, Cosmology, and Astronomy, 1300–1700: Tension and Accommodation, Dordrecht, 1991, 253–93, especially 277–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

42 See OL, i, 334ffGoogle Scholar, For a profound investigation of Hobbes's related discussion of Thomas White's arguments for a creation of the world see Pacchi, Arrigo, ‘Hobbes and the problem of God’, Perspectives on Thomas Hobbes, op. cit. (18), 171–87.Google Scholar

43 Ward, Seth, In Thomae Hobbii philosophiam exercitatio epistolica, Oxford, 1656, 116.Google Scholar

44 See OL, i, 88.Google Scholar

45For the effects we acknowledge naturally, do include a Power of their producing, before they were produced; and that Power presupposeth something existent that hath such power: And the thing so existing with power to produce, if it were not Eternal, must needs have been produced by somewhat before it, and that again by something else before that, till we come to an Eternal (that is to say the first) Power of all powers, and first Cause of all causes: And this is it which all men conceive by the Name of GOD, implying Eternity, Incomprehensibility, and Omnipotency.’ (Humane Nature, 1321Google Scholar; cf. EW, i, 591.Google Scholar, Elements, 53f.Google Scholar) It is perhaps worth noting that, from the beginning of the dispute, Hobbes tried to avoid meetings with Ward; see Malcolm, , op. cit. (18), 53, 59Google Scholar and Pope, , op. cit. (21), p. 26.Google Scholar

46 Ward, Seth, Against Resistance of Lawful Powers: A Sermon Preached at White-Hall, Novemb. Vth 1661. By Seth Ward, D. D. Chaplain to His Majesty. Published by His Majestie's Command, London, 1661.Google Scholar

47 Malcolm, , op. cit. (18), 57.Google Scholar

48 Ward, , op. cit. (46), 35.Google Scholar

49 Ibid., 2f, 4f, 35.