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A Reappraisal of William Tyndale's Debt to Martin Luther*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

L. J. Trinterud
L. J. Trinterud
Affiliation:
McCormick Theological Seminary
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Extract

The colorful and powerful figure of Martin Luther dominates all study of the early years of the Reformation. Inevitably the first pages of the history of the Reformation in any region will begin with an effort by the author to trace the manner in which Luther's influence reached that area. In the study of the English Reformation one of the common ways of showing Luther's influence is to point to the work of the Bible translator William Tyndale. Numerous books on the English Reformation, on the history of the English Bible, and on Tyndale himself, have made of him a follower and an interpreter of Luther who played a major role in introducing the thought of the great reformer into England. A careful study of Tyndale's works, however, will show that his debt to Luther, and the “Lutheranism” of his views, has been over-stated. Tyndale, like many early sixteenth century religious reformers, made much use of Luther's name, fame, and works but without becoming a follower of those distinctive ideas of the German reformer which set him off from the other advocates of reform at the time. Tyndale's greatest debt was first to Christian humanism and then to the German-Swiss reformers of Zurich and Basel.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 31 , Issue 1 , March 1962 , pp. 24 - 45
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1962

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References

1 The literature is surveyed briefly by Rupp, Gordon, The Righteousness of God, 1953, p. 378Google Scholar, with comments which revise somewhat the author's more sweeping claims for Luther's influence on Tyndale in his earlier work, Studies in the Making of the English Protestant Tradition, 1949, p. 498.Google Scholar The much-used H. E. Jacobs, The Lutheran Movement in England …, rev. ed., 1892, is typical of the older literature.

2 Mozley, J.F., William Tyndale, 1937Google Scholar, the best biography of Tyndale, discusses each of his publications. I have used Mozley's list of works attributed to Tyndale without debate. Since this is the largest list for which serious contention would now be made, the thesis of this paper is best tested by using all of these attributed works. Account is not taken in this paper, however, of the theology of Erasmus' Enchiridion, which Tyndale is supposed to have translated (see Mozley, J.B.“The English Enchiridion of Erasmus, 1533,” Review of English Studies xx 1944, p. 97–107CrossRefGoogle Scholar). Tyndale was much indebted to Erasmus, as all agree.

3 Pollard, A.W. and Redgrave, G.R.A Short-title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland, … 1475–1640, 1926.Google Scholar

4 Wouter Nijhoff en Kronenberg, M. E., Nederlandsche Bibliographic van 1500 tot 1540, I, 1923Google Scholar, II, 1940, III, 1942, III, I, 1951.

5 See the exhaustive bibliography in Martin Luther's Werke … Die Deutsche Bibel, Weimar, ed., vol. II, p. 209ff, 714.Google Scholar The Basel printer Cratander also issued an edition in 1524 (ibid., p. 333). The Weimar edition of Luther's works is hereafter referred to as W.A.

6 Bibel, W.A. as above.

7 Bibel, W.A., vol. II, p. 328 ff. Froschauer issued reprints in 1525, 1527, 1533, 1542.

8 J. J. Mezger, Geschichte des Deutschen Bibelübersetzungen in der schweiserisch- reformirten Kirche von der Reformation bis Zur Gegenwart, 1876, p. 66–88, describes these editions. After 1529 the interpretive materials from Luther become less. By 1531 they disappear from the official Zurich Bibles. But see above note no. 7.

9 G. Kawerau, Hieronymous Emser …, Schriften des Vereins für Reformations-geschichte, vol. XV, 1898, Ch. V; H. Wedewer, Johannes Dietenberger, 1475–1537, …, 1888, Ch. VII, espec. p. 174 f.

10 Described in Francis Fry, A Bibliographical Description of the Editions of the New Testament, Tyndale's Version in English, 1878, p. 35–37. Re-printed in The New Testament, translated by William Tyndale 1534… and 1525, ed. Wallis, N. Hardy, 1938.Google Scholar

11 Luther's 1522 New Testament is reproduced with excellent critical introduction and apparatus in Bibel, W.A. vol. VI and VII.

12 The literature on this subject is large and controversial. Among the recent works are Cranz, F. E., An Essay on the Development of Luther's Thought on Justice, Law, and Society, 1959Google Scholar; Haikola, L., Usus Legis, 1957Google Scholar; Heintze, Gerhard, Luthers Predigt von Gesetz und Evangelium, 1958Google Scholar; Gerdes, Hayo, Luthers Streit mit den Schwärmern um das Rechte Verständnis des Gesetzes Mose, 1955Google Scholar; Bornkamm, Heinrich, Luther und das Alte Testament, 1948Google Scholar; Joest, Wilfried, Gesetz und Freiheit, Das Problem des Tertius Usus Legis bei Luther …, 1951Google Scholar; Schloemann, Martin, Natürliches und Gepredigtes Gesetz bei Luther, 1961.Google Scholar

13 For bibliographical description and reprint see note no. 10 above.

14 A compendious introduction /prologe/ or preface un to the pistle of Paul to the Romayns. n.p.d. [1526?] The Parker Society's edition of this work, Doctrinal Treatises and Introductions to Different Portions of the Holy Scriptures by William Tyndale …, 1848, attempts to indicate the materials translated by Tyndale from Luther but is very inaccurate. I have used a Xerox copy of the original.

Luther's preface is to be found in a critical edition in Luther, Bibel, W.A., (German) Vol. VII, V. p. xxxi-xxxiv, 1–27; and (Latin) Vol. V. p. 619–632. An English translation is available in Works of Martin Luther, Philadelphia Edition, Vol. VI, p. 447–462.

15 Tyndale, Compendious introd … Romayns, fol. aiii verso. The other instances are on Aii verso.

16 Luther, Bibel, W.A., Vol. VII, p. 7; for the German text from which this translation of the Philadelphia edition was made, see Bibel, W.A., Vol. VI, p. 4495.

17 Tyndale, Comp. introd…. Romayns, fol. Aiiii verso/v recto.

18 See espec. Nygren, Anders, Agape and Eros, rev. Eng. trans, by Watson, P. S., 1953, pt. 2, Ch. 6, espec. p. 683, 716, 719, 726–737.Google Scholar Also see the literature on “law and gospel” under note no. 12 above.

19 See the discussion on Luther and Melanchthon on this subject in Bring, Ragnar, Förhallandet Mellan Tro Och Güringar Inom Lutersk Teologi, 1933, p. 77–85, 108–109.Google Scholar

20 Mausbach, J., Die Ethik des Heiligen Augustinus, Vol. II, 1909, Ch. 6, espec. p. 354, 385Google Scholar; Nygren, G., Das Prädestinations Problem in der Theologie Augustins, 1956, p. 49–103, espec. 678Google Scholar; Burnaby, J., Amor Dei, a Study of the Religion of St Augustine, 1938, Ch. 8, espec. p. 233f.Google Scholar

21 Luther, Bibel, W.A., VII, p. 16–17 (German), V, p. 626 (Latin); Eng. trans, Works, Phil, ed., VI, p. 455.

22 Tyndale, op. cit., fol. bii recto/verso.

23 Ibid., fol. biii verso, b iv recto; b iv verso. Luther, Bibel, W.A., VII, p. 18–21, (German), V, 627 f (Latin); Eng. trans. Works, Phil, ed., p. 4568.

24 Tyndale, op. cit., fol. biii recto/verso; biv verso; bviii verso.

25 Ibid., fol. cii recto -evi recto. The original German text (of 1519) appears in Luther's Werke, W.A., Vol. II, p. 128–130. On other translations see Moore, W. G., La Réforme Allemande et la Littérature Française …, 1930, p. 431–443Google Scholar; and Gierow, Krister, Den Evangeliska Bönlitteraturen i Danmark, 1526–1575 …, 1948, p. 268.Google Scholar There was a further English translation, issued c. 1532, anonymously, sec S.T.C. 16818. This text follows Tyndale's translation. The item was not noticed by Tyndale's biographer, J. B. Mozley.

26 See Mozley, op. cit., p. 1258, 1348. Texts may be found in the Parker Society's Doctrinal Treatises …Tyndale, 1848, p. 298, and 1278. Throughout the three volumes of the Parker Society's editions of Tyndale's works too great reliance was placed upon the late, 1573 edition of Tyndale's works edited by John Foxe. I have used the Folger Library copies of the first editions, S.T.C. 24446 for the Obedience, and S.T.C. 24454 for the Mammon.

27 Luther's Werke, W.A., X, III Abteilung, p. cxlii-exlviii, text of preached form p. 273–282, re-worked form used by Tyndale, p. 283–292.

28 [Luther] Postillen op die epistelen ende evangelien, Nijhoff-Kronenberg no. 3464, in which the sermon was for the 9th Sunday after Trinity, cf. the Postille in Luther's Werke, W.A., X, Abteilung, II Hälfte, p. 342f. I have been unable to learn which version appeared in this edition of the Postille. Each of the versions appears from time to time in the various editions and translations of the Postille.

29 Luther's Werke, W.A., X, III Abteilung, p. 284.

30 Tyndale, That fayth the mother of all good workes iustifieth us … [The paraable of the wicked mammon], fol. v recto. Folger copy of S.T.C. 24454.

31 Ibid., fol. vi recto/verso.

32 Ibid., fol. viii recto/verso.

33 See Wingren, G., Luthers Lära om Kallelsen, 1942Google Scholar, Eng. trans. Luther on Vocation, 1957.

34 A reprint was issued in 1884 edited by J. I. Mombert. The prefaces were reprinted, Parker Society in Doctrinal Treatises and Introductions … Scriptures … Tyndale … ed. H. Walter, 1848, p. 392–447; I have used Mombert and a Xerox copy of S.T.C. 2351. Mombert's reprint is accurate but difficult to follow.

35 Critical text and introductions in Luther Bibel, W.A., Vol. VIII.

36 A historical sketch of this development, and references to the literature, will be found in Trinterud, L. J., “The Origins of Puritanism,” Church History, XX, (1951), p. 37–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

37 Luther, when prompted by the biblical text, did use the covenant language, Werke, W.A., Vol. IX, p. 348, 357; Vol. CL, pt. III, p. 413, 430, 434, 437, (1540 ed.), 441 (1532–1533 and 1540 eds); Vol. CLII, p. 362, 577f, 613, 618, 664. Yet for him the idea of the covenant never became a major interpretive device, nor a key to the understanding of the relationship between God and man, as it did among the South German and Swiss reformers. Even on the passages concerning the covenant with Noah and with Abraham, Luther avoids great development. He calls special attention to the various covenantal terms, connects them with the sacraments and with the divine promise, but does not go much further (Vol. 42 above). Perhaps his long discussion of Galatians 3: 15–24, Werke, W.A., Vol. XL, Pt. I, p. 459–534, (Paal's discussion of “testament,” promise, law) provides the best clue to Luther's attitude. He may have avoided the covenant scheme because of its connection with the third use of the law. But, see also notes no. 38, 40, and 50 below.

38 On Nicolai, see Lindstrom, M., Philipp Nicolais Kristendomstolkning, 1937, p. 134 f.Google Scholar On Flacius, see Moldaenke, G., Schriftverständnis und Schriftdeutung im Zeitalter der Reformation …Flacius, 1936, p. 59–72, 371–384Google Scholar; and Haikola, L., Gesetz und Evangelium bei Matthias Flacius Illyricus …, 1952, p. 193 f.Google Scholar Elsewhere Haikola has suggested that Luther's avoidance of the covenant-compact schema was due to its implications for the doctrine of the atonement, Studien zu Luther and zum Luthertum, 1958, p. 110fGoogle Scholar; Pederson, E.Thestrup, Luther som Skriftfortolker, I, En studie i Luthers Skriftsyn, hermeneutik og eksegese, 1959Google Scholar, deals briefly, thought positively, with Luther's use of the covenantal language in the sense of the promise of the gospel, p. 222 f, 230 f.

39 Luthers Werke, W.A., Vol. XIV, p. 489–753.

40 Luthers Werke, W.A., Vol. XXVIII, p. 501–775. Even when the text brings up the word “covenant” Luther devotes little attention to it, p. 557, 685, 688, 694, 758.

41 Reprinted, Parker Society, Expositions… Scripture, … The Practice of Prelates …, 1849. The Folger Library has a copy of the first edition.

42 Reprinted by John Foxe, Acts and Monuments …, ed. Townsend and Cattley, 1837, Vol. III, p. 249–285. On Tyndale's editing, see Mozley, Tyndale …, p. 346.

43 Reprinted by Foxe, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 728–747, and in Harleian Miscellany, 1808, Vol. VI, p. 92–117. On Tyndale's editing see Mozley, op. cit., p. 346.

44 The earliest known edition of the Pathway (S.T.C. 24462) supposedly was printed by T. Godfrey, a London printer, and is without date. Tyndale refers to the Pathway in the preface to his I. John, issued at Antwerp, in 1531. Whether S.T.C. 24462 is the first edition, or whether another edition printed abroad preceded it, cannot now be determined. I have used a film of S.T.C. 24462. The text as reprinted in the Parker Society edition, Doctrinal Treatises … Tyndale, is from the 1573 ed. of Tyndale's works issued by John Foxe, which shows some alterations from S.T.C. 24462.

45 A facsimile reprint was issued by F. Fry, 1863. Newberry Library has a copy.

46 See Luthers Werke, W.A., Vol. XIII, p. 224–258; and Vol. XIX, p. 169–251.

47 Reprinted, Parker Society, 1850. I have used the Folger Library copy of S.T.C. 24437. More's Dyaloge, which Tyndale here answered has been edited by W. E. Campbell and A. W. Reed, 1927. More's reply to Tyndale's Answer, his Apologye, was edited for the Early English Text Society by A. I. Taft, 1930. His other work against Tyndale, the Confutacyon in two parts, has not apappeared in a modern edition.

48 Reprinted, Parker Society, Expositions … Tyndale, 1849, p. 133–225. I have used the Folger Library copy of S.T.C. 24443. This work was quite independent of Luther's expositions of I John, see Werke, W.A., Vol. XX, p. 592–801, and Vol. XXXVI, p. 416–477.

49 See note no. 36 above.

50 Jetter, Werner, Die Taufe beim Jungen Luther, 1954Google Scholar, has numerous references, p. 213–220, 240–246, 247, 268, 302. Jetter seeks to show that Luther did not connect this idea of a baptismal covenant with keeping the law.

51 See note no. 36.

52 Reprinted, Parker Society, An Answer to … More's Dialogue, …, The Supper of the Lord …, 1850, p. 216–268, from a late text. I have used the Folger copy of S.T.C. 24468.

53 On the authorship see Mozley, op. cit., p. 223, 252 f, and Mozley, Coverdale and his Bibles, 1953, p. 342.

54 Reprinted, Parker Society, Expositions … Tyndale, 1849. I have used the Folger Library copy of S.T.C. 24441a, (1548) since the first edition, 24439, (film of unique copy) lacks four pages.

55 Text and critical apparatus in Luthers Werke, W.A., Vol. XXXII, p. Ixxv-Ixxxv, 299–544.

56 Andersen, N. K., Confessio Hafniensis, den KΦbenhavnske Bekendelse of 1530 …, 1954, p. 98, 268Google Scholar, aud espec. 85–95. A further interpretation (Marxist) is that of Schildhauer, J., Soziale, Politische, und Religiöse Auseinandersetzungen in den Hansestädten Stralsund, Rostock und Wismar im ersten Drittel des 16 Jahrhunderts, 1959.Google Scholar

57 This text is reproduced authentically in the excellent memorial edition, The New Testament translated by William Tyndale 1534 … and 1525, ed. N. Hardy Wallis, 1938.

58 See Luther Deutsche Bibel, W.A., Vols. VI, VII.

59 In Parker Society, Answer to … More …, 1850.

60 This item is known only from an edition of 1548, S.T.C. 24445.

61 The letter is reprinted in Foxe, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 133f.

62 This suggestion that the reference is to Cranmer and his party is, of course, to Cranmer and his party is, of course, debatable. Yet, Tyndale, or his editor, was obviously trying to make peace. This would seem to account best for the vagueness of the reference. Foxe's attempt to identify the three parties is not convincing. Tyndale knew that some English “papists” (he was writing prior to 1534) had gone far enough in the way of reform to accept justification by faith but yet without rejecting the Mass. Cranmer and his party did not reject the Mass until after the death of Henry VIII. Hence they went along with the other “papists” in burning at the stake reformers such as Frith, Lambert, Hewitt, and others — eventually even Barnes himself in 1540. The reference would seem best, therefore, to fit Cranmer and his party. By Foxe's time these men were revered as martyrs of persecution under Queen Mary. Consequently, the vagueness of the reference would help to cover the earlier actions of these men against fellow-reformers.

63 Only when Tyndale's work, as a whole is seen in the light of the total literary propaganda of the Reformation era can it be rightly understood. He was, like many others, a propagandist, a pamphleteer. All over the Continent an anonymous e c l e c t i c propaganda literature was in circulation, much of it appearing and re-appearing in numerous forms and in several languages. The literary, to say nothing of the theological paternity of this fugitive propaganda literature is often baffling. The amount, the variety, and the range of this propaganda literature in England during the reign of Henry VIII was much larger than is generally supposed. No good treatment of it has been made. On the Continent a number of studies have been made, espec. Aspects de la Propagande Religieuse, ed. Berthoud, G.et al., 1957Google Scholar, and the works cited above, by Moore and by Gierow, note 25, and by Andersen, note 56. Extensive literature is cited in each of these studies.