Hostname: page-component-6b989bf9dc-md2j5 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-14T18:59:54.727Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Imagined Religious Communities? Ancient History and the Modern Search for a Hindu Identity

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 November 2008

Romila Thapar
Affiliation:
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

Extract

My choice of subject for this lecture arose from what I think might have been a matter of some interest to Kingsley Martin; as also from my own concern that the interplay between the past and contemporary times requires a continuing dialogue between historians working on these periods. Such a dialogue is perhaps more pertinent to post-colonial societies where the colonial experience changed the framework of the comprehension of the past from what had existed earlier: a disjuncture which is of more than mere historiographical interest. And where political ideologies appropriate this comprehension and seek justification from the pre-colonial past, there, the historian's comment on this process is called for. Among the more visible strands in the political ideology of contemporary India is the growth and acceptance of what are called communal ideologies. ‘Communal’, as many in this audience are aware, in the Indian context has a specific meaning and primarily perceives Indian society as constituted of a number of religious communities. Communalism in the Indian sense therefore is a consciousness which draws on a supposed religious identity and uses this as the basis for an ideology. It then demands political allegiance to a religious community and supports a programme of political action designed to further the interests of that religious community. Such an ideology is of recent origin but uses history to justify the notion that the community (as defined in recent history) and therefore the communal identity have existed since the early past.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1989

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

This is the text of the Kingsley Martin Memorial Lecture given in Cambridge on 1 June 1988. I would like to thank K. N. Panikkar, N. Bhattacharya and B. K. Matilal for their helpful criticism of an earlier draft of this lecture.

1 Andersen, B., Imagined Communities (Vaso, 1983).Google Scholar

2 Bloch, J., Les Inscriptions d'Asoka (Paris, 1950), pp. 97, 99, 112.Google Scholar

3 McCrindle, J. W., Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian, (London, 1877).Google ScholarArrian, , Indica, XI. 1 to XII. 9;Google ScholarStrabo, XV 1.39–41, 46–9.Google Scholar

4 Legge, J., Fa-hien's Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms (Oxford, 1886);Google ScholarBeal, S., Si-yu-ki: Buddhist Records of the Western World (London, 1884).Google Scholar

5 Sachau, E. C. (trans. and ed.), Alberuni's India (Delhi, 1964 reprint), p. 21.Google Scholar

6 Joshi, S. D. (ed.), Patajali Vyākaraṇa Mahābhāsya (Poona, 1968), II.4.9; I.476.Google Scholar

7 Wagle, N., Society at the Time of the Buddha (Bombay, 1966), p. 74.Google Scholar

8 Curiously, the eating of meat and the drinking of intoxicants was part of the rejection of Brahmanism for these were now abhorent to Brahmanism, a rather different situation from that described in the Vedic texts where brāhmaṇs consumed beef and took soma.

9 Sontheimer, G. D., ‘Some Memorial Monuments of Western India’, in German Scholars in India, II (New Delhi, 1976);Google ScholarTulpule, S. G., ‘The Origin of Viththala: A new Interpretation’, ABORI, 19771978, vols 58–59, pp. 1009–15:Google ScholarDandekar, A., ‘Pastoralism and the Cult of Vitṭhṭhala,’, M. Phil. Dissertation, JNU;Google ScholarKulke, H., Jagannātha kult und Gajapati-Königtum (Wiesbaden, 1979), p. 227;Google ScholarKulke, H. and Rothermund, D., A Histoy of India (London, 1986), pp. 145ff.Google Scholar

10 Bakker, A., Ayodhya (Groningen, 1984).Google Scholar

11 Manu, II. 14–15.Google Scholar

12 Thapar, Romila, ‘Renunciation: The making of a Counter-Culture?’, in Ancient Indian Social History: Some Interpretations (Delhi, 1978), pp. 63104.Google Scholar

13 Thapar, Romila, ‘The Rāmāyaṇa: Theme and Variations’, in Mukherjee, S. N. (ed.), India: History and Thought (Calcutta, 1982), pp. 221–53.Google Scholar

14 Thapar, Romila, ‘Death and the Hero’, in Humphreys, S. C. and King, H., Mortality and Immortality: The Anthropology and Archaeology of Death (London, 1981), pp. 293316.Google Scholar

15 Thapar, Romila, ‘Sati in History’, Seminar, no. 342 (02 1988).Google Scholar

16 Personal Communication from a friend.

17 Sanyal, H., Social Mobility in Bengal (Calcutta, 1981).Google Scholar

18 Beal, S., Si-yu-ki, I. xcix.Google Scholar

19 I. 307.

20 Liu, Xinru, Ancient India and Ancient China (Delhi, 1988).Google Scholar

21 Thapar, Romila, Cultural Transaction and Early India (Delhi, 1987), pp. 17ff.Google Scholar

22 Desai, P. B., Jainism in South India (Sholapur, 1957), pp. 23, 63, 82–3, 124, 397–402;Google ScholarEpigraphia Indica V., pp. 142ff, 255; Ep. Ind. XXIX, pp. 139–44; Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy, 1923, pp. 4ff.

23 Romila Thapar, ‘Renunciation’.

24 Manu, VIII. 41.Google Scholar

25 Asévalāana Gṛhasūtra, I.7.1.; Asévalāyana Sérauta-sūtra XII. 8; Pāṇiṇi, 6.2.62; Amarakoséa 2.3.19; Buddhist texts speak more specifically of village boundariesGoogle Scholar (Vinaya Piṭaka 1.109. 10; III.46.200). This was necessary in a system where the limits of areas for collecting alms had to be defined for each monastery.

26 See inscriptions from Sanchi as given in Marshall, J. and Foucher, A., Monuments of Sanchi (Calcutta, 1940);Google Scholar also Lüders, H., Ep. Ind X. nos. 162–907; See also the Bhattiprolu inscription, Luders no. 1332.Google Scholar

27 Fleet, J. F. (ed.), Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their Successors, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III (Varanasi, 1970 reprint), pp. 79ff.Google Scholar

28 Ibid., pp. 162ff.

29 Bṛhaspati I. 28–30; Kātyayaṇa 2.82; 17.18; I. 126; Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1903–1904; 1911–1912.

30 Nārada-smṛti, X. 1–2; Ep. Ind. XXX, p. 169.

31 The Persepolis and Naqsh-i-Rustam inscriptions of Darius, in Sircar, D. C., Select Inscriptions, vol. I (Calcutta, 1965), p. 7.Google Scholar

32 Similarly Muslim women were often referred to as turuṣki, as, for example, in Hemādri, , Caturvarga-cintāmaṣi, Prāyasécitta-kāṇḍa.Google Scholar

33 e.g. Chatesévara temple inscriptions, where in the thirteenth century a reference is made to a campaign against the yavanas. Ep. Ind. 1952, XXIX, pp. 121–2.

34 Thapar, Romila, ‘The Image of the Barbarian in Early India–92. A fourteenth-century inscription from Delhi refers to Shahab-ud-din, as a mleccha, who was the first Turuṣka to rule Dhillika/Delhi.Google ScholarBhandarkar, D. R. (ed.), Appendix to Epi. Ind. XIX–XXIII, no. 683.Google Scholar

35 Udaipur inscription of the time of Rajamalla in Bhavnagar Inscriptions, pp. 117ff. And see Bhandarkar, (ed.), Appendix to Ep. Ind. XIX–XXIII, no. 862. It is ironic that it was earlier thought that these Rajput ruling families may in some cases have had their origin in the Sakas!Google Scholar

36 Jaina, Sadadi inscription of the time of Kumbhakarnṇa of Medapata in Bhavnagar Inscriptions, pp. 114ff and D. R. Bhandarkar, op. cit., no. 784;Google ScholarSharma, D., Lectures on Rajput History and Culture (Delhi, 1970), p. 55.Google Scholar

37 Kīrtistambha-praśasti, ASIR, XXIII, pp. IIIff.

38 Roy, Ashim, The Islamic Syncretistic Tradition in Bengal (Princeton, 1983).Google Scholar

39 Heltebeitel, A., The Cult of Draupadi (Chicago, 1988).Google Scholar

40 Thapar, Romila, ‘Ideology and the Interpretation of Early Indian History’, in Krishnaswamy, K. S. et al. (eds), Society and Change (Bombay, 1977), pp. 119.Google Scholar

41 Risley, H., The People of India (London, 1908).Google Scholar

42 As, for example, in the writings of Sen, Keshab Chunder, ‘Philosophy and Madness in Religion’, in Keshab Chunder Sen's Lectures in India (London, 1901).Google Scholar

43 Thapar, Romila, ‘The Study of Society in India’, in Ancient Indian Social History, pp. 211–39; also, ‘The Archaeological Background to the Agnicayana Ritual’,Google Scholar in Staal, F., Agni, vol. II (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 340.Google Scholar

44 Jarrige, J., ‘Excavations at Mehrgarh: their Significance for Understanding the Background of the Harappan Civilisation’, in Possehl, G. (ed.), Harappan Civilisation (New Delhi, 1982), pp. 79ff.Google Scholar

45 Burrow, T., The Sanskrit Language (London, 1965), p. 379:Google ScholarDeshpande, M. M. and Hook, P. E. (eds), Aryan and non-Aryan in India (Michigan, 1979).Google Scholar

46 Thapar, Romila, From Lineage to State (New Delhi, 1984), pp. 21ff.Google Scholar

47 Pargiter, F. E., Ancient Indian Historical Tradition (London, 1922).Google Scholar

48 Bṛhaddevatā 4.11–15; 21–5; describes the birth of Dīrghatamas and his son Kakśivant as the son of a dāsi. The Aitereya Brāhmaṇa 2.19 and the Kausīlaki Brāhmṇa 12.3 describe the Ṛg Vedic seer Kavasa Ailusa as a dāsi-putraḥ.

49 Thapar, Romila, From Lineage to State, p. 43.Google Scholar

50 Ṛg Veda. VII. 18.13.

51 Śatapatha Brāhmanṇa VI. 8.1.14.

52 Knopf, D., ‘Hermeneutics versus History’, Journal of Asian Studies 39.3 (1980), pp. 495505.Google Scholar