1 Canada, House of Commons, Standing Committee on External Affairs and National Defence, Report on Canada-US Defence Cooperation and the 1986 Renewal of the NORAD Agreement (1986), xi.

2 On public opinion polls conducted by the Department of External Affairs, see Chapin, P. H., “The Canadian Public and Foreign Policy,” International Perspectives (January/February 1986), 14–16.Google Scholar

3 On the roles and perception of lesser powers in alliance, see Rothstein, Robert, Alliances and Small Powers (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968);Google ScholarKeohane, Robert. “Lilliputians' Dilemmas: Small States in International Politics,” International Organization 23 (1969), 291–310.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Canadians have often referred to their country as a “middle power.” It is a characterization hard to define, especially because in some areas of international relations, such as economics, Canada may rightly be viewed as a great or “principal” power. In terms of its military contributions to its alliances. Canada comes closer to being a small power. However, unlike other small powers in NATO, such as Luxembourg and Iceland, Canada has traditionally been active in allied political councils. It regards itself, therefore, as being able to influence the actions of larger allies in a way that small powers do not. It is, perhaps, this perception of the need and capability for exercising diplomatic leverage within alliances which makes Canada a “middle power.” See Sokolsky, Joel J.. “Canada in NATO: The Perceptions of a Middle Power in Alliance,” The Fletcher Forum 4 (1980). 203–26.Google Scholar

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5 On this point see Holmes, John, The Shaping of Peace. Vol. 2: Canada and the Search for World Order, 1943–1957 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), 13, 29.Google Scholar On Canada's role in the creation of NATO, see also Reid, Escott, Time of Fear and Hope: The Making of the North Atlantic Treaty 1947–1949 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. 1977).Google Scholar

6 Canadian ambivalence towards close strategic co-operation with the US on a strictly bilateral basis has long been a subject of some controversy. Some argue that political leaders were moved along by the activities of the Royal Canadian Air Force which, working closely with the United States Air Force, created a fully integrated North American air defence network even before NORAD's creation. See, for example, Swanson, Roger F., “NORAD: Origins and Operations of Canada's Ambivalent Symbol,” International Perspectives (November/December 1972), 3–8;Google ScholarIgnatieff, George, The Making of a Peacemonger: The Memoirs of George Ignatieff (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985):CrossRefGoogle ScholarGranatstein, J. L., Canada 1957–1967.The Years of Uncertainty and Innovation (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1986).Google Scholar For an account of the origins of NORAD based upon declassified US documents, see Jockel, Joseph T., No Boundaries Upstairs: Canada, the United States and North American Air Defence, 1945–1958 (forthcoming. University of British Columbia Press).Google ScholarJockel, takes issue with the view that Canada's political leaders were completely unaware of what the military was doing, although he shows that the two military establishments did work closely together. See also his article, “The Military Establishments and the Creation of NORAD,” American Review of Canadian Studies 12 (1982), 1–16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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10 Quoted from Holmes, John, appearing before the Standing Committee on External Affairs and National Defence, Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence (1st Session, 33d Parliament, 1984–85). 37:15, October 10, 1985.Google Scholar

11 Standing Committee on External Affairs and National Defence, Report on NORAD. December 19, 1980, Recommendation 3).Google Scholar

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14 United States, Congress, Office of Technology Assessment. Ballistic Missile Defense Technologies Summary (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1985), 17.Google Scholar

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17 Ibid.

18 Ibid.

19 Ibid.

20 Collins, John M., U.S.-Soviet Military Balance 1980–1985 (New York: Pergamon-Brassey's, 1985). 54.Google Scholar

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22 Extracts from JUSCAD's Executive Summary, 5.

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24 Standing Committee on External Affairs and National Defence, Report (1986), 30–31.Google Scholar

25 Ibid., xi.

26 Canada, House of Commons, Debates, Feb. 4, 1985, 1, 961.Google Scholar

27 This explanation of the deletion of the ABM clause is offered by James Everard, A., “Canada and NORAD: The Eroding Agreement,” Journal of the Royal United Services Institute 127 (1984), 21.Google Scholar

28 As quoted from letter from DND to SCEAND, Nov. 20, 1985.

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39 Standing Committee on External Affairs and National Defence, Proceedings, 43:6 and 43:36, November 18, 1985.Google Scholar

40 Ibid., 52:6. December 6, 1985.

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43 Standing Committee on External Affairs and National Defence, Proceedings, 41: 107, October 31, 1985.Google Scholar

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48 Standing Committee on External Affairs and National Defence, Proceedings. 52:11, December 6, 1985.Google Scholar

49 Ibid.

50 See, Boston Globe, March 5, 1986, 4.Google Scholar

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52 ibid., 44:8, November 19, 1985.

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