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Accommodating “Democracy” in a One-Party State: Introducing Village Elections in China*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

Extract

When residents of a few Guangxi villages decided to elect their own leaders in late 1980 and early 1981, none of them could have known they were starting a historic reform. What began as a stopgap effort to fill a political vacuum, after much debate and two decades of uneven implementation, is now enshrined in a national law. Procedures for holding elections have been spelled out and implementing regulations are being formulated at all levels. Voting is now mandatory every three years in every village, bar none.

Type
Elections and Democracy in Greater China
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 2000

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References

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27. Shi, , “Village committee,” p. 393.Google Scholar Zhao's alleged conflict with Peng has been mentioned in a number of sources. See, for example, Changsheng, Lin, Dalu nongcun cunmin zizhi zhidu yanjiu (A Study of the Villagers' Self-Govemment System on the Mainland) (Taipei: Xingzhengyuan dalu weiyuanhui, 1995), p. 40.Google Scholar We ourselves wrote that Ziyang, Zhao “in fact had no great sympathy for grassroots democracy.”Google ScholarLi, Lianjiang and O'Brien, Kevin J., “The struggle over village elections,” in Goldman, Merle and MacFarquhar, Roderick (eds.), The Paradox of China's Post-Mao Reforms (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 132.Google Scholar Based on a transcript of Zhao's remarks (rather than our original interviews), we now regard this to be an oversimplification.

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58. Interviews, Beijing, November 1993, January 1997. On Bo Yibo's role, see also Thurston, Anne F., Muddling Toward Democracy (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace, 1998), pp. 1112Google Scholar; Choate, , “Local governance,” p. 8Google Scholar; Zhenyao, Wang, “Village committees,” p. 244.Google Scholar

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61. Minzhengbu jiceng zhengquan jianshesi, “Guanyu zai quanguo nongcun kaizhan cunmin zizhi shifan huodong de tongzhi” (“Circular on launching demonstration of villagers' self-government nation-wide”), in Teaching Materials, pp. 1921.Google Scholar For the quoted text, see “Summary report of the national workshop,” pp. 1112.Google Scholar

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63. On the state's “becoming weak in protecting villagers, disciplining its agents and effectively implementing its policies,” see Xiaobo, , “The politics of peasant burden in reform China,” The Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 25, No. 1 (1997), pp. 116, 134Google Scholar; also O'Brien, Kevin J. and Li, Lianjiang, “Selective policy implementation in rural China,” Comparative Politics, Vol. 31, No. 2(1999).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

64. See Zuohan, Zhou, “Guanyu cunmin weiyuanhui jianshe de jidian sikao” (“Some thoughts on the construction of villagers' committees”), Hunan shifan daxue shehui kexue xuebao (Social Science Journal of Hunan Normal University), No. 5 (1987), p. 18Google Scholar; Jinsu, Tang, “Current conditions,” p. 44Google Scholar; Youfu, Sun, “Build villagers' committees,” p. 7.Google Scholar This has also been a major theme for Western analysts. See O'Brien, , “Implementing political reform,” pp. 3738, 5158Google Scholar; Kelliher, , “The Chinese debate,” pp. 7884Google Scholar; Wang, Xu, “Mutual empower ment,” p. 1436.Google Scholar

65. Buying, Li, “Lintong xian Baimiaocun shixingcunmin zizhi caifang jishi” (“A report on the implementation of villagers' autonomy in Baimiao village of Lintong county”), Zhongguo minzheng. No. 4 (1989), p. 8.Google Scholar On opposition and feigned compliance in Shaanxi, Jiangxi and Hubei, see Kelliher, , “The Chinese debate,” pp. 7981.Google Scholar

66. On Shandong, see Yang Xuejun and Sun Xinmin, “Lishun xiang zhengfu yu cunmin weiyuanhui zhijian de guanxi” (“Rationalize relations between township governments and villagers' committees”), in Practice and Reflection, p. 113.Google Scholar On Shanxi, see Guocai, Zuo and Wenji, Liu, “Cunmin he jiceng ganbu dui cunmin zizhi de fanying ji qi fenxi” (“An analysis of the reaction of villagers and grassroots cadres to villagers' self-government”), Xiangzhen luntan (Township Forum), No. 10 (1991), p. 13.Google Scholar

67. See Yonghui, Bao, “Cunmin zizhi fuhe bu fuhe Zhongguo guoqing?” (“Does villagers' autonomy accord with China's conditions?”), Xiangzhen luntan, No. 6 (1991), p. 12.Google Scholar

68. Personal communication with a researcher from Shandong, October 1998.

69. See Changshan, Ma, “Cunmin zizhi zuzhi jianshe de shidai yiyi jiqi shijian fancha” (“The epoch-making significance and the imperfect practice of building villagers' self-government organizations”), Zhengzhi yu falü, No. 2. (1994), pp. 1920Google Scholar; Yu, Fan, “Cunweihui xuanju weifa xu jiuzheng” (“Law-breaking activities in village elections must be corrected”), Gaige neican (Internal Reference on Reforms), No. 20 (1998), pp. 1415.Google Scholar

70. Interviews, Beijing, April 1997.

71. Personal communication with a researcher from Beijing, October 1998. On cadre incentive structures, see Shi, , “Village committee;” O'Brien and Li, “Selective policy implementation,” pp. 171–76Google Scholar; Whiting, Susan H., “Contract incentives and market discipline in China's rural industrial sector,” in McMillan, John and Naughton, Barry (eds.), Reforming Asian Socialism (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996), pp. 7277.Google Scholar

72. Interview, Taiyuan, August 1997.

73. Personal communication, October 1998.

74. Interviews, Beijing, December 1995; Fuzhou, July 1997; Taiyuan, September 1997. Other pioneers professed an ideological justification for their actions: they respected the mass line and shared Peng Zhen's vision of how to realize “socialist democracy.” An official in Shandong, for instance, argued that “implementing villagers' self- government is returning power to the people” – a slogan that even an outspoken advocate of self-government in the MoCA deemed “not quite accurate.” See Zhenyao, Wang, “Cunmin zizhi yu cunweihui xuanju”Google Scholar (“Villagers' self-government and the election of villagers' committees”), in Teaching Materials, p. 155.Google Scholar

75. Van Mingfu's closing speech in Minzhengbu jiceng zhengquan jianshesi (comp.), Quanguo cunmin zizhi shifan gongzuo jingyan jiaoliu ji chengxiang jiceng xianjin jiti he xianjin geren biaozhang huiyi wenjian huibian (Collected Documents of the National Conference on Exchanging Experiences of Implementing Villagers' Self-government and Commending Advanced Collectives and Individuals) (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui chubanshe, 1996), quoted text on pp. 4344.Google Scholar

76. Interviews, Fuzhou, July 1997. On lobbying provincial people's congresses to close election loopholes, see also Shi, , “Village committee,” p. 405.Google Scholar

77. Further evidence of the Fujian civil affairs bureau's influence came in 1997, when the bureau head identified, by name and at a provincial conference, several counties that had failed to hold elections in all their villages. Each county rapidly organized make-up elections. Interviews, Fuzhou, July 1997. On Fujian's place “at the forefront of electoral success,” see Thurston, , Muddling Toward Democracy, pp. 3334Google Scholar; “Report of the Fifth Mission on Chinese Elections” (Atlanta: Carter Center Working Paper Series, 20 06–3 July 1998), p. 4Google Scholar; Kelliher, , “The Chinese debate,” p. 74.Google Scholar

78. See O'Brien, , “Rightful resistance.”Google Scholar For what we then called “policy-based resistance,” see Li, and O'Brien, , “Villagers and popular resistance,” pp. 4052.Google Scholar For examples involving election irregularities, see Li, and O'Brien, , “The struggle over village elections,” pp. 137140Google Scholar; also Howell, , “Prospects for village governance,” pp. 103104.Google Scholar

79. Interviews, Ji'nan, July 1994; Fuzhou, July 1997. Personal communication with officials from Henan and Hebei, October 1998.

80. See Xingliang, Shao, Suozhi, Cui, Baolin, Meng and Xueliang, Sun, “Yi min wei tian” (“Regarding the people as sovereign”), Xiangzhen luntan, No. 4 (1994), pp. 1011Google Scholar; Yuan, Tian, “Zhongguo nongcun jiceng de minzhu zhilu” (“The pathway to grassroots democracy in rural China”), Xiangzhen luntan, No. 6 (1993), pp. 34Google Scholar; and Yu, Fan, “Law-breaking activities,” p. 14.Google Scholar Survey data from four counties suggests that, when villagers contact officials, about two-fifths of all mentions concern elections. Jennings, M. Kent, “Political participation in the Chinese countryside,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 91, No. 2 (1997), p. 366.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Based on a nation-wide survey conducted in 1993, Shi, , “Village committee,” p. 404Google Scholar, reports that more than 5% of rural residents have lodged complaints against election fraud.

81. See Yuan, Tian, “The pathway to grassroots democracy,” pp. 34.Google Scholar Interviews, Beijing, July 1994. Needless to say, local officials have a strong incentive to keep villagers uninformed. In a case where complainants demanded to see documents that county leaders claimed restricted their rights and superseded the Organic Law, a county official in Hebei “snorted with contempt and said ‘you are not county officials, why would you think you have the right to read county documents’.” See Nongmin ribao (Shehui wenhua tekan), Farmer's Daily (Special issue on society and culture), 25 07 1998, p. 1.Google Scholar

82. Interviews, Fuzhou, July 1997; and personal communication with officials from Henan and Hebei, October 1998.

83. Personal observation, Beijing, July 1994.

84. Interviews, Beijing, December 1995. However, a 1997 documentary about villagers petitioning for their electoral rights was abruptly cancelled, according to one participant, because of fears it would raise unrealistic expectations. Far Eastern Economic Review, 6 11 1997, pp. 5658.Google Scholar

85. Interview, Beijing, January 1997. For another version of these remarks, see Zhenyao, Wang, “Zai Hebei sheng di si jie cunmin weiyuanhui huanjie xuanju gongzuo gugan peixun ban shang de jianghua”Google Scholar (“Speech at the training class for key workers in the re-election of villagers' committees in Hebei province”), in Minzhengbu jiceng zhengquan jianshesi nongcunchu (comp.), 1995–1996 Niandu quanguo cunweihui huanjie xuanju ziliao huibian (Collected Materials on the 1995–1996 Re-election of Villagers' Committees Nation-wide) (Beijing: 12 1996), pp. 1718.Google Scholar For more on Renshou, and a neighbouring county in which a highway levy was successfully collected by elected cadres who had permitted a vote on the tax, see Minxin, Pei, “Creeping democratization,” p. 76Google Scholar; Epstein, , “Village elections,” p. 416Google Scholar; Wang, Xu, “Mutual empowerment,” p. 1439Google Scholar; Shi, , “Village committee,” n. 38.Google Scholar

86. See, respectively, Zhenyao, Wang, “Zhongguo cunmin weiyuanhui de jiben jinzhan yu lilun yiju” (“The basic experience and theoretical grounds of villagers' committees in China”), in Mingtong, Chen and Yongnian, Zheng (eds.), Liang'an jiceng xuanju yu zhengzhi shehui bianqian (Grassroots Elections and Political-Social Transformation on Both Sides of the Strait) (Taipei: Yuedan chubanshe gufen youxian gongsi, 1998), p. 313Google Scholar; Cairang, Duoji, “Jinyibu wanshan cunmin zizhi zhidu ba quanguo cunmin weiyuanhui jianshe gongzuo tuixiang xin de jieduan”Google Scholar (“Continue to perfect the villagers' self-government system and advance the construction of villagers' committees to a new stage”), in Collected Documents, p. 26.Google Scholar

87. Interview, Beijing, February 1997.

88. See Thurston, , Muddling Toward Democracy, pp. ivv, 45Google Scholar; Epstein, , “Village elections,” pp. 407408Google Scholar; Choate, , “Local governance,” p. 3.Google Scholar For the MoCA using comments by foreign scholars to counter opposition to its efforts to improve election procedures, see Shi, , “Village committee,” pp. 408410.Google Scholar

89. For a similar point, see Shi, , “Village committee,” p. 400.Google Scholar

90. On burnishing China's democratic credentials and fending off foreign critiques of its human rights abuses, see Howell, , “Prospects for village self-governance,” pp. 87, 92, 103Google Scholar; Kelliher, , “The Chinese debate,” p. 75.Google Scholar

91. Renmin ribao, 25 09 1998, p. 1.Google Scholar

92. On Li Peng's inspection of Lishu county, see Renmin ribao, 8 07 1998, p. 1.Google Scholar On Li urging publication of the draft, personal communication with rural researchers from Beijing, October 1998.

93. Interview, Beijing, February 1997.

94. For these 1996 and 1997 estimates, see “Carter Center delegation report: village elections in China” (Atlanta: Carter Center Working Paper Series, 2–15 March 1998), p. 9; Howell, , “Prospects for village self-governance,” p. 96Google Scholar; Epstein, , “Village elections,” p. 410.Google Scholar

95. See Renmin ribao, 6 11 1998, p. 1.Google Scholar Duoji Cairang offered a similar estimate in July 1997 while acknowledging that he did not know for certain. Cited in “Carter Center delegation report,” p. 9.Google Scholar

96. Shi, , “Village committee,” p. 386.Google Scholar

97. Liu, X. Drew, “A harbinger of democracy: grassroots elections in rural China,” China Strategic Review, Vol. 2, No. 3 (1997), p. 71.Google Scholar

98. See International Republican Institute, “China's economic future: challenges to U.S. policy,” study paper submitted to the Joint Economic Committee, U.S. Congress, 08 1996, p. 3.Google Scholar

99. Choate, , “Local governance,” p. 10.Google Scholar On nomination procedures and their importance, see Elklit, Jorgen, “The Chinese village committee electoral system,” China Information, Vol. 11, No. 4 (1997), pp. 79.CrossRefGoogle ScholarThurston, Anne, Muddling Toward Democracy, p. 26Google Scholar, has also concluded that “the selection of nominees is a vital, but often overlooked, part of the democratic process.”

100. Cf. Shi, , “Village committee,” p. 386.Google Scholar In Shi's 1990 and 1993 nation-wide surveys about 75% of rural residents reported that VC elections had been held in their village.

101. In some provinces, over 100 residents were surveyed in each village, while in others only a dozen or fewer were drawn for interviews. In order to use individual-level responses to estimate the frequency of village elections, we assume that within each province the same number of respondents was drawn from each village.

102. Insofar as the questionnaire touched on a number of sensitive topics, household registration records were not sought from local public security bureaus. In Fujian and Jiangsu, however, the questionnaire was distributed in purposively selected villages. In both these provinces, after two days of intensive training and mock-interviewing, interviewers were dispatched to pre-selected poor, middle income and rich villages, where they interviewed all available adults from a randomly selected villagers' group. Elsewhere, trained interviewers (most of whom were university or rural high school students) were instructed to return to their home villages and to interview available adults.

103. On these four provinces “dragging their feet in introducing village self-government,” see Chan, Sylvia, “Village self-government and civil society,” in Cheng, Joseph Y. S. (ed.), China Review 1998 (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1998), p. 237.Google Scholar Guangdong did not start implementing the Organic Law province-wide until late 1998. Guangxi had the first villagers' committees, but even as recently as November 1995, only 61% of Guangxi's counties had completed converting village administrative offices into VCs. See Collected Documents, p. 136.Google Scholar MoCA officials also consider Yunnan and Hainan to be notable laggards. Interviews, Beijing, January 1997.

104. Tsou, Tang, The Cultural Revolution and Post-Mao Reforms (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), p. xxiv.Google Scholar

105. On the role of non-democratically elected Party secretaries, see Oi, “Economic development,” pp. 137–39.Google Scholar In over one third of Shanxi's prefectures there have been experiments with subjecting Party members to a popular vote of confidence before permitting them to stand for the Party branch. If this practice was to spread and develop further, the prospects for real village democracy would be greatly enhanced. See Li, Lianjiang, “The two-ballot system in Shanxi: subjecting village party secretaries to a popular vote,” The China Journal, No. 42 (1999), pp. 103118.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

106. See the introduction to this issue of The China Quarterly.

107. See Nanfang zhoumo(Southern Weekend), 15 01 1999, p. 2Google Scholar; Yangcheng wanbao (Yangcheng Evening News), 28 04 1999, p. 1.Google Scholar

108. For the initial Chinese report on an unapproved election in Buyun township, Suining city, Sichuan, see Nanfang zhoumo, 15 01 1999, p. 2.Google Scholar For Western reports, see New York Times, 26 01 1999Google Scholar, p. A8; Washington Post Foreign Service, 27 02 1999, p. A17.Google Scholar For criticism of the election, see Fazhi ribao (Legal Daily), 19 01 1999, p. 1.Google Scholar

109. On similar understandings of “democracy” that trace to the May Fourth era and the fengjian tradition, see Keating, , Two Revolutions, pp. 56, 248.Google Scholar On the compatibility of state strengthening and grassroots elections in the 1930s and 1940s, see Apter, and Saich, , Revolutionary Discourse, p. 212Google Scholar, Chen, , Making Revolution, pp. 240–41Google Scholar; Keating, , Two Revolutions, p. 133.Google Scholar