Hostname: page-component-7c8c6479df-5xszh Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-03-29T00:07:55.329Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A Letter to King Henry I from Toulouse

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 March 2012

NICHOLAS VINCENT
Affiliation:
Department of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; e-mail: N.Vincent@uea.ac.uk

Abstract

Image of the first page of this content. For PDF version, please use the ‘Save PDF’ preceeding this image.'
Type
Notes and Documents
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 For a brief summary of contents see the Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques des départements, VII: (Toulouse–Nîmes), Paris 1885, 71–2. The saints’ Lives are those of SS Pachomius (PL lxxiii.227–72), Paul the Simple (PL xxi.457–62), Paul the Hermit (PL xxiii.17–28) and Hilarion (PL xxiii.29–54), all of them models of the early monastic life.

2 The front endpaper carries the medieval ownership mark: ‘Liber sancte Marie Grandissilve’.

3 Bibliothèque municipale, Rheims, ms 1932. For Ruinart and the earliest publication of the letter from Martianay, sent on 2 October 1686, see Jadart, H., Dom. Thierry Ruinart (1657–1709): notice suivie de documents inédits sur sa famille, sa vie, ses oeuvres, ses relations avec D. Mabillon, Paris–Reims 1886, esp. pp. 124–6, no. 25Google Scholar, whence the reprinting, with various additional notes on the career of Martianay, by Quilhot, A., ‘Deux Lettres concernant l'abbaye de Grandselve’, Bulletin archéologique et historique de la Société Archéologique de Tarn-et-Garonne xv (1887), 193202, esp. pp. 200–1Google Scholar. The existence of the letter is noticed, but without commentary, by Mousnier, M., L'Abbaye cistercienne de Grandselve et sa place dans l'economie et la société méridionales (XIIe–XIVe siècles), Toulouse 2006, 88, 302Google Scholar.

4 Quilhot, ‘Deux Lettres’, 197–9, quoting Martianay's first letter to Ruinart, 20 July 1686.

5 The manuscript is now bound up with endpapers taken from a twelfth- or thirteenth–century liturgical manuscript (fos 143–4) with responses (‘Domine ne in ira tua’ etc) and musical notation.

6 For Amelius see Gallia Christiana xiii. 14–15.

7 Green, J. A., Henry I king of England and duke of Normandy, Cambridge 2006, 264Google Scholar, and see in particular Crouch, D., ‘The troubled deathbeds of Henry i's servants: death, confession and secular conduct in the twelfth century’, Albion xxxiv (2002), 2336, esp. pp. 30–1Google Scholar.

8 For examples of letters sent by other churchmen to Henry i see Bernard, Epistolae’ nos 92, 138, PL clxxxii. 224–5, 292–3Google Scholar; S. Anselmi Cantuariensis archiepiscopi opera omnia, ed. F. S. Schmitt, Edinburgh 1946–61, iv. 133, no. 228; 180, no. 265; 214–15, no. 294; 222–3, no. 301; 226–8, no. 305; v. 247–8, no. 319; 311–12, no. 368; 321–2, no. 378; 336–8, nos 391, 393; 346, no. 402; 348–9, no. 404; 369–70, no. 424; 411–12, no. 462.

9 For the language of diplomacy at this date see Chaplais, P., English diplomatic practice in the Middle Ages, London 2003Google Scholar.

10 Green, Henry I, 229, 278.

11 Regesta regum anglo-normannorum, 1066–1154, ed. H. W. C. Davis, H. A. Cronne, C. Johnson and R. H. C. Davis, Oxford 1913–69, ii, nos 1580–1, 1687; Green, Henry I, 203, 209–11, 281.

12 For La Sauve-Majeure and its dependent priory at Burwell in Lincolnshire, to which Henry confirmed gifts originally licensed by King William Rufus see Regesta, i, nos 410, 483; ii, no.1652, and the Grand Cartulaire de la Sauve-Majeure, ed. C. Higounet and A. Higounet-Nadal, Bordeaux 1996, ii. 786–91, nos 1354–64; cf. BL, Harley Charter 43.B.50, for contacts between Burwell and its mother house as late as 1318. For Conques, and its dependent priory at Horsham St Faith in Norfolk, see Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Conques en Rouergue, ed. G. Desjardins, Paris 1879, 370–1, nos 519–20, briefly noticed by Johnson, C. and Cronne, H. A., ‘An interim list of errata and addenda to Davis's “Regesta regum anglo-normannorum” volumes i and ii’, University of Birmingham Historical Journal vi (1957–8), 176Google Scholar. For Charroux, whose acquisition of property from Roger the Poitevin, earl of Shrewsbury, and Almodis his wife, daughter of the count of La Marche, was shortlived, the land passing to the priory of Eye, a dependency of Bernai in Normandy, see Lewis, C. P., ‘The king and Eye: a study in Anglo-Norman politics’, EHR civ (1989), 576–80, 588–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 VCH, Suffolk, ii. 94–5; English Episcopal Acta, VI: Norfolk, 1070–1214, ed. C. Harper-Bill, Oxford 1990, nos 20, 45. For the founder see Taylor, P., ‘Clerkenwell and the religious foundations of Jordan de Bricett: a re-examination’, Historical Research lxiii (1990), 1728CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 For the connection of the gifts to La Sauve-Majeure with pilgrimage to Compostela see D. W. Lomax, ‘The first English pilgrims to Compostela’, in H. Mayr-Harting and R. E. Moore (eds), Studies in medieval history presented to R. H. C. Davis, London 1985, 165–9. For Conques and Noblat as major staging-posts on the pilgrim route see The pilgrim's guide to Santiago de Compostela, ed. P. Gerson, J. Krochalis, A. Shaver-Crandell and A. Stones, London 1998, ii. 42–9.

15 For an excellent general survey of Gerard's foundations see Barrière, B., ‘Les Abbayes issues de l’érémitisme’, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 21: les Cisterciens de Languedoc (XIIIe–XIVe s.) (1986), 71105Google Scholar. For a life of St Gerard see Acta sanctorum: October X (1861), 249–67, with modern commentary by Lenglet, O., ‘La Biographie du bienheureux Géraud de Sales’, Cîteaux: commentarii cistercienses xxix (1978), 740Google Scholar.

16 Gallia Christiana, xiii, instr. 16, no. 17, of which there is a further, seventeenth-century, copy, now Archives départementales de la Haute-Garonne, Toulouse, 108H56, fos 1v–2r. For the abbey's early history see Mousnier, Grandselve, 79–93, and n. 19 below. For its subsequent flowering see also the collection of essays published as L'Abbaye cistercienne de Grandselve: contributions à son histoire: Actes du colloque tenu à Montauban le 22 novembre 1997, Montauban 1998, and the magnificently illustrated Grandselve: l'abbaye retrouvée (Groupe de recherches historiques et généalogiques de Verdun-sur-Garonne), Mercuès 2006.

17 Gallia Christiana, xiii, instr. 17, no. 21 (J–L, no. 8311).

18 Ibid. instr. 18–19, no. 24 (J–L, no. 8219).

19 Barrière, ‘Les Abbayes’, 81; Mousnier, M., ‘L'Abbaye cistercienne de Grandselve du xiie au debut du xive s.’, Cîteaux: commentarii cistercienses xxxiv (1983), 5376 at pp. 63–7Google Scholar; Mousnier, M., ‘Grandselve et la société de son temps’, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 21 (1986), 108Google Scholar; Passerat, G., ‘La Venue de Saint Bernard à Toulouse et les débuts de l'abbaye de Grandselve’, Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique (Toulouse, Institut Catholique) xciii (1992), 2738Google Scholar; Mousnier, Grandselve, 92–3.

20 Barrière, ‘Les Abbayes’, 86, 94–8.

21 Berman, C. H., The Cistercian evolution: the invention of a religious order in twelfth-century Europe, Philadelphia 2000, with specific and fascinating reference to Grandselve at pp. 127–30Google Scholar, although rather surprisingly failing to notice the reference to the customs of Cîteaux in the papal confirmation of 1142 (J–L, no. 8219: see n. 18 above).

22 God and St Mary are the only patrons referred to in any of the early charters of Grandselve copied into Bibliothèque nationale, Paris, ms Doat 76, the earliest (fos 3r, 5r) dated 1120 and 1128. A grant of 1174 (fo. 262r) refers to the donor's devotion to the Trinity, the Virgin Mary, St Stephen and St Saturnin, but in a personal rather than an institutional context.

23 Gallia Christiana, xiii, instr. 16, no. 17; cf. Berman, Cistercian evolution, 128.

24 Acta sanctorum: October X (1861), 258.

25 For Gerard and Robert see ibid. 254–5, 257. For Henry i's awards to Fontevraud see n. 11 above.

26 Martindale, J., ‘“An unfinished business”: Angevin politics and the siege of Toulouse, 1159’, Anglo-Norman Studies, xxiii, Woodbridge 2000, 147Google Scholar.

27 Orderic x.5, in The ecclesiastical history of Orderic Vitalis, ed. M. Chibnall, Oxford 1969–80, v. 218–19. See also F. Barlow, William Rufus, London 1983, 392–4.

28 Orderic x.13 (Chibnall edn at v. 281); William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum iv.371, in Willelmi Malmesbiriensis monachi de gestis regum anglorum, ed. W. Stubbs (Rolls Series, 1887–9), ii. 379, and cf. 455–6 for Malmesbury's knowledge of the family of Raymond of Toulouse, with detailed discussion by Barlow, William Rufus, 416–18, and, more controversially, by B. S. Bachrach, ‘William Rufus’ plan for the invasion of Aquitaine’, in R. P Abels and B. S. Bachrach (eds), The Normans and their adversaries at war: essays in memory of C. Warren Hollister, Woodbridge 2001, 31–63.

29 Phillips, J. P., ‘A note on the origins of Raymond of Poitiers’, EHR cvi (1991), 66–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 The chief authorities here are William of Tyre, Chronicon xvi.27, in Willelmi Tyrensis archiepiscopi chronicon, ed. R. B. C. Huygens, H. E. Mayer and G. Rösch, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis lxiii, Turnhout 1986, ii. 754–5, and John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, ed. M. Chibnall, London 1956, 52–3.

31 Orderic xiii.4 (Chibnall edn at vi. 398–400n.). For the council and for Bishop Amelius’ role in it see Gallia Christiana, xiii.14–15; M. Bull, Knightly piety and the lay response to the First Crusade: the Limousin and Gascony, c. 970–c. 1130, Oxford 1993, 108–9; and BL, ms Harleian 4951 (Cartulary of St-Etienne Toulouse), fo. 119r. For Rotrou in Spain see Thompson, K., Power and border lordship in medieval France: the county of the Perche, 1000–1226, Woodbridge 2002, 5960, 71–8Google Scholar.

32 For the Laon tour see Herman of Tournai, ‘Miracula sanctae Mariae Laudunensis’, PL clvi. 961–87, with extended English commentary by Tatlock, J. S. P., ‘The English journey of the Laon canons’, Speculum viii (1933), 454–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For other such tours see Vincent, N., ‘Some Pardoners' tales: the earliest English indulgences’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6th ser. xii (2002), 40Google Scholar.

33 ‘Anno millesimo centesimo vigesimo octavo, quarto Kalendas Julii, inceptum est monasterium in Insula … cui monasterio praefuit quidam honorandus dominus, dominus Robertus nomine, cognatus regis Angliae, ex fratribus de Lauduno, vir tum vitae sanctimonia tum omni virtute praeclarus. Ob cujus honorem et reverentiam rex Angliae praescripto abbati quatuor clenodia, multum preciosa, transmisit, videlicet calicem aureum, ornamentum missae valde preciosum, pavimentum ecclesiae valde notabile et fabrefactum, et quendam insignem et preciosum lapidem saphirum’: J. de Frémery, De Abten van Mariënweerd, Gravenhage 1888, 5, from a list of abbots bound together with the abbey's cartulary now in the royal library at Brussels, whence noticed by Colvin, H. M., The White Canons in England, Oxford 1953, 27Google Scholar.

34 Alexander's bull (26 June 1162) survives in part as a mutilated original (Archives départementales de la Haute-Garonne, 108H1) and is further abstracted in an inventory of the abbey's muniments made in 1685 (108H56, fo. 2v no. 4), whence W. Wiederhold, Papsturkunden in Frankreich VII, Berlin 1913, 103–4, no. 57, cf. p. 20. The bull is not listed by Jaffé-Loewenfeld, who none the less noticed two further papal letters (J–L, nos 10710, 10713, the first printed in PL cc.136), both issued on 30 April 1162, appointing the abbot of Grandselve to carry the pallium to Henry archbishop of Reims and to deliver papal messages to Louis vii.

35 The six surviving charters issued to Grandselve by Richard after 1172 but before 1189 are (1) A grant of protection (ms Doat 80, fo. 311r–v); (2) A grant of free passage along the Garonne and via other rivers and ports for one of the abbey's ships (BN, ms Latin 11010, fo. 42v; ms Doat 80, fos 300r–v, 305r–v); (3) A notification to the seneschal and burgesses of Bordeaux of this grant (ms Latin 11010, fo. 144v; ms Doat 80, fo. 309r–v, 324r–v); (4) A similar notification to the seneschal and citizens of Agen (ms Latin 11010, fo. 145r); (5) A prohibition to the baillifs and burgesses of Agen from making demands against the abbey's ships (ms Doat 80, fos 300v–301r); and (6) A mandate to the bailiffs of Bordeaux to permit the monks to take three measures of salt granted to them by Richard (ms Doat 80, fos 297r–v, 323r–v). In addition, between 1194 and 1199 Eleanor of Aquitaine issued a charter confirming Richard's grant of three measures of salt (ms Latin 11010, fo. 138r–v; ms Doat 80, fos 297v–298v, 324v–325r). For subsequent confirmations and mandates relating to these awards issued by later kings of England and their subordinates at Bordeaux see Archives départementales de la Haute-Garonne, 108H56, fos 57r–65v. Various of these charters will appear in The letters and charters of Eleanor of Aquitaine and of Richard duke of Aquitaine, ed. N. Vincent, Oxford forthcoming. By some unknown means, the silver seal matrix of Joan, daughter of Henry ii and sister of Richard i, one-time queen of Sicily, later countess of Toulouse (d. 1200) was preserved at Grandselve: S. M. Johns, Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm, Manchester 2003, 204, no. 5Google Scholar.

36 Materials for the history of Thomas Becket, ed. J. C. Robertson, London 1875–85, vi. 266, no. 335, headed ‘Hanc computationem presentauerunt Pictauenses cardinalibus quando sanctus Thomas exsulabat, sed non sunt auditi.’ For the manuscript transmission here see Duggan, A., Thomas Becket: a textual history of his letters, Oxford 1980, 58, 238, no. 70 (dating the memorandum to November 1167)Google Scholar, and see Robert of Torigny in Chronicles of the reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett, London 1884–9, iv. 201–2, citing a similar genealogy in explanation of Eleanor's claims to Toulouse in 1159. For Map see Walter Map, De nugis curialium: courtiers trifles, ed. M. R. James, rev. C. N. L. Brooke and R. A. B. Mynors, Oxford 1983, 474–5, where the translation ‘unchaste eyes’ fails to do full justice to the Latin ‘oculos incestos’.

37 For discussions before the legate Hugh Pierleone in 1175 see The historical works of Gervase of Canterbury, ed. W. Stubbs, London 1879–80, i. 256–7.

38 Map, De nugis curialium, 474–7; Gerald of Wales, ‘De principis instructione’ 3.27, in Giraldi Cambrensis opera, ed. J. S. Brewer and others, London 1861–91, viii. 300–1.

39 See the magnificent illustrations of the various Grandselve reliquaries, for the most part of the thirteenth century, including relics ‘de pallio sancti Thome episcopi et martiris’: Grandselve: l'abbaye retrouvée, 127ff, esp. pp. 149–51.