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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 March 2011
Bede's historical interests frequently manifested themselves in his exegetical writings. In the case to be studied here, his references to Acts ii. 42–7 and iv. 32–7 and related passages, verses which describe the first Christian community at Jerusalem immediately after Pentecost, Bede broke new ground in trying to picture for himself the life of the first Christians, while accepting the traditional monastic reading of these passages almost without question. Alongside, and conflicting with the well-established view of the first Christian community as one distinguished by perfect love and monastic abandonment of the world, there was in Bede's mind a second, more historically minded, tendency to see the primitive Church as having passed through stages of development, and to try to imagine the historical circumstances in which the ideals of Acts ii. 42–7 and iv. 32–7 had been expressed.
2 Summarised in my ‘St. Boniface and the vita apostolica’, The American Benedictine Review, xxx (1980), 6–19Google Scholar, at 8–12.
3 For the patristic period see Bori, Pier, Chiesa primitiua. L'Immagine delta communità delle origini - Atti, 2, 42–47; 4, 32–37 - nella storia delta chiesa antica, Brescia 1974Google Scholar. I have recently completed a lengthy study, ‘The symbol of the primitive Church : reference to the ecclesia primitiva in the Age of the Fathers’, which covers the writers through Augustine and pursues a number of lines of analysis different from those followed by Bori. All patristic writers referred to in the present paper for comparative purposes are also dealt with in this longer study.
4 Olsen, G. W., ‘The idea of the Ecclesia Primitiva in the writings of the twelfth-century canonists’, Traditio, xxv (1969), 61–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 68–9. I have pursued the possibility of Bede's influence on the Irish exegetes of the circle of Virgilius of Salzburg in ‘Reference to the Ecclesia Primitiva in eighth-century Irish gospel exegesis’, Thought, liv (1979), 303–12Google Scholar. English translations of biblical passages are from the Knox translation, except in those cases where Bede's Latin varies from the sense of that translation. In these cases, the translations are my own.
5 Laistner, M. L. W., ed., Bedae Venerabilis Expositio Actuum Apostolorum et Retractatio, Cambridge, Mass. 1939, p. xiiiGoogle Scholar, and also Laistner's Thought and Letters in Western Europe, A.D. 500 to 900, 2nd edn, Ithaca, New York 1957, 157Google Scholar, 159–62 and The Intellectual Heritage of the Early Middle Ages, Ithaca, New York 1957, 101–9Google Scholar.
6 Expositio, pp. xiii, xvii-xxxvi. See for the dissemination of Bede's writings, Laistner, M. L. W. and King, H. H., A Hand-List of Bede Manuscripts, Ithaca, New York 1943Google Scholar, of which pp. 5, 10–13, 20–5 contain material on the Expositio and Retractatio.
7 Laistner, Bedae Venerabilis, 21.
8 Ibid., 26.
9 See Bori, Chiesa primiliva, passim.
10 Laistner, Bedae Venerabilis, 26.
11 As an example see De Timplo Libri II (729–31), ii, lines 586–603, Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina (hereafter cited as CCSL), Turnhout 1953ff, vol. 119A. 206–7 ad vv. ‘Et statuit duas columnas in porticum templi. etc.’
12 See the list in Plummer, C. (ed.), Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica, 2 vols., Oxford 1896, iGoogle Scholar. pp. xxxiv-xxxvi. Cf. James Campbell, ‘Bede’, in Dorey, T. A. (ed.), Latin Historians, New York 1966, 159–90Google Scholar, at 173ff.
13 Libri Quatuor in principium Genesis usque ad nativitatem Isaac et eiectionem Ismahelis adnolationum, I, ii. 3, CCSL 118A. 38, translated with comment by Crépin, André, ‘Bede and the Vernacular’, in Famulus Christi: essays in commemoration of the thirteenth centenary of the birth of the Venerable Bede, Bonner, Gerald, (ed.), London 1976, 170–92Google Scholar, at 178. See Hanning, R. W., The Vision of History in Early Britain, from Cildas to Geoffrey of Monmouth, New York 1966, 57Google Scholar n. 49, and Bori, Chiesa primitiva, 149ff.
14 Hanning, Vision of History, 87 n. 109. For ‘modernus’, Opera Historica, Plummer, (ed.) i. 419–23; In I Samuhelem (716) IV. xxiii, 26, lines 394–410, CCSL 119. 221 ad vv. ‘Itaque Saul et uiri eius in modum coronae cingebant Dauid et uiros eius, etc.’; and in De Tabernaculo et vasis eius ac vestibus sacerdotum Libri III (before 729), III. lines 136–43, CCSL 119A. 96.
15 Hanning, Vision of History, 63–90.
16 P. Hunter Blair, Norlhumbria in the Days of Bede, London 1976, 52, 127.
17 On the pastoral use of reference to the primitive Church, see my ‘Reform after the pattern of the primitive Church in the thought of Salvian of Marseilles’, Catholic Historical Review, lxviii (1982), 1–12Google Scholar.
18 Ad. vv. ‘Proposuerunt in ministerium mittere habitantibus in Iudaea fratribus’, Laistner, Bedae Venerabilis 53.
19 Ibid., ‘Hos inter elemosynarios religiosum Helenae Adiabenorum reginae factum memoratur, qua e conparatis ab Aegypto frumentis Hierosolymitarum necessitatibus largissime ministravit; unde et honorificam ante portas eiusdem urbis meruit sepulturam.’
20 Rufinus's text is edited by Theodor Mommsen in Eusebius, Historica Ecclesiastica, E. Schwartz, (ed.) Eusebius Werke 2. 1, Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller 9.1, Leipzig 1903, 133, lines 6–8, 14–16: ‘Per idem tempus, inquit, fames magna obsederat etiam Iudaeam. qua temptestate regina nomine Helena multis pecuniis comparatum frumentum de Aegypto et Hierosolyma delatum idigentibus ministrabat…Helenae vero huius, cuius historiografus intulit mentionem, etiam nunc extat sepulchrum nobile pro portis Hiero-solymorum, regnasse autem apud Adiabenorum gentem refertur.’
21 Orosius, Paulus, Historiarum advcrsum paganos libri VII, ed. Zangemeister, Carl, Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum 5; Vienna 1882, 450Google Scholar: ‘Eodem anno imperii eius fames grauissima per Syriam facta est, quam etiam prophetae praenuntfauerant; sed Christianorum necessitatibus apud Hierosolymam, conuectis ab Aegypto frumentis, Helena Adiabenorum regina conuersa ad fidem Christi largissime ministrauit.’
22 Ād vv. ‘Et suffocatis et sanguine (15:20)’, Laistner, Bedae Venerabilis, 61–2: ‘… Haec quidem de gentili vita venientibus pro ipsis fidei rudimentis et inveterata gentilitatis consuetudine concessa sunt…’, and on the reference to Moses in the following verse, ‘… procedente tamen tempore dum frequentius ad lectionem legis prophetarumque convenerint, paulatim vitae instituta et servandae invicem dilectionis iura suscipient. Primitivam enim adhuc iudaizantem ecclesiam haec sabbatis celebrasse procertum est’. In large perspective, Bede's idea of the primitivam iudaizantem ecclesiam seems to have been closer to Augustine's views than to Jerome's in their famous exchange of letters about the interpretation of the dispute between Peter and Paul over the status of the Jewish ceremonial law for Christians. Jerome recognised two stages for the law, before and after Christ, while Augustine insisted that there had been an intermediary period during Jesus's ministry and that of the first apostles when the law had a wider application than later: see Blumenkranz, Bernhard, Die Judenpredigt Augustins: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der jüdisch-christlichen Beziehungen in den erslen Jahrhunderten, Basle 1946, 135–8Google Scholar. However, as the text of the present paper shows, Jerome did not rigidly adhere to his own two-stage schema.
23 Ed. Richardson, E. C., Texle und Untersuchungen zur Geschichle der altchristlichen Literatur, xiv, Berlin 1896, 12Google Scholar; trans. Richardson, E. C., A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2nd ser., iii, New York 1893, 364Google Scholar. On Bede's sense of genetic development, see Musca, Giosuê, Il Venerabile Beda, storico dell'Alto Medioevo, Bari 1973, 106–221Google Scholar.
24 De viris inlustribus, 8 and II, ed. Richardson, pp. 12 and 14; trans. Richardson, p. 364, for the first phrase, from chap. 8, and for the second phrase, from chap. 11, trans. M.-H. Vicaire, The Apostolic Life, trans. W. DeNaple, Chicago 1966, 23–4. See also Vogüé, Adalbert de, ‘Monasticism and the Church in the writings of Cassian’, Monastic Studies, iii (1965), 19–51Google Scholar, at 23–4.
25 In Marci Evangelium Expositio, Prologus, lines 17–31, CCSL 120. 431–2. Bede also studied Jerome's work in preparing his Chronica maiora, now edited in CCSL 123B: Musca, Venerabile Beda, 90.
26 Plummer, Opera Historica, ii. 190.
27 Historica Ecdesiastica Gentis Anglorum, iii. 25, ed. Colgrave, B. and Mynors, R. A. B., Oxford 1969, 300–1Google Scholar, using the phrase ‘iudaizante adhuc in multis ecclesia'.
28 In Gen., IV, xxi, lines 1692–1721, CCSL 118A. 241.
29 Olsen, , ‘Idea of the ecclesia primitiva', Traditio, xxv (1969), 78–80Google Scholar.
30 Plummer, Opera Historica, ii. 190, and In I Sam, IV, xxviii. 3, lines 1763–88, CCSL 119. 253–4 ad vv. ‘Samuhel autem mortuusest… ‘The entire passage is a good example of how Bede could make historical observations while offering a mystical interpetation of a text, but I quote only the following: ‘Sepultur a Samuhel quae post mortem et planctum facta est illud tempus significat quo funditus ab umbrarum obseruatione legalium fideles cessaurere Iudaei, nam tempore non pauc o primitiuam iudaizasse constat ecclesiam donee euangelica paulatim praeualente doctrina et ipsa radicitus a legali se obseruatione contineret.’
31 In I Sam., III, xx, 11–13, lines 1954–86, CCSL 119. 182–3 ad vv. ‘Et ait Ionathan ad Dauid: Veni egrediamur in agrum’. etc. See also ibid., III, xx. 34, and IV, xxv. 1, CCSL 119. 188–9, 230–1.
32 Ibid., III, xx. 18–19, lines 2000–23, CCSL 119. 184, ad vv. ‘Descendes ergo festinus et uenies in locum ubi eeland us es in die qua operari licet et sedebis iuxta lapidem Ezel’. See also In I Sam., III, xviii. 12, lines 1317–28, CCSL 119. 168.
33 Laistner, Bedae Venerabilis, 112–13. The passage cited from Cyprian is from Ad Quirinum, III, III, line 38, CCSL 3. 91.
34 See Bori, Chiesa primitiva, appendix Jenkins, I. C., ‘Bede as exegete and theologian’, in Bede: his life, times and writings (Thompson, A. Hamilton (ed.), Oxford 1935), 152–200Google Scholar, argued that Bede's habit of collating texts showed his historical approach to exegesis, and, 196–9, noted the scholarly ability found in some passages of the Retractatio. Meyvaert, Paul, ‘Bede the Scholar’, in Famulus Christi, Bonner (ed.), 40–69, at 48–51, reprinted in Meyvaert's Benedict, Gregory, Bede and Others, London 1977Google Scholar, has made shrewd comments on the degree of sophistication Bede's handling of texts reveals. Willmes, A., ‘Bedas Bibelauslegung’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichle, xliv (1962), 281–314Google Scholar, at 302–3, considered other examples from Bede's commentaries on Acts in which collation was attempted.
35 McNally, R. E., The Bible in the Early Middle Ages, Westminster, Maryland 1959, 21Google Scholar, 50–1, who gave an erroneous number for this MS. McNally observed that Bede was one of the few early medieval writers seriously to use Greek for exegetical purposes, but then observed that ‘no modern scholar… is fooled by this display of Greek words that run through all the biblical literature of this period (p. 51)’. On this, see Jenkins, ‘Bede as exegete’, 157, 162–5, who argued that the Retractatio shows a much better, though still limited, knowledge of Greek than do Bede's earlier writings, and Bischoff, B., Mittelalterliche Studien, 2 vols., Stuttgart 1967, iiGoogle Scholar. 246–75, at 246, 251–2, 257, and esp. on this MS, 262. The MS is listed in Siegmund, A., Die Überlieferung der Grieschischen Christlichen Literatur in der Latcinischen Kirche bis zum zwölfen Jahrhundert, Munich 1949, 31Google Scholar, and see also 24–32. See also Laistner, Intellectual Heritage, 139–40, 150–64.
36 Other similar passages are: In Ezram et Meemiam I, lines 622–37 (I have noted this passage quoted by Amalar of Metz in the early ninth century: Liber officialis, I, III [De Quinquagesima], i. ed. Hanssens, I. M., Opera Liturgica omnia, 3 vols., Studie Testi 138–40; Vatican City 1948–1950, ii. 42–3Google Scholar), and 11, lines 633–61, CCSL 119A. 256–7, 303–4, both passages using the phrase ecclesia primitiva; and De Tabemaculo II, lines 30–1, CCSL 119A. 42.
37 Laistner, Bedae Venerabilis 113–14.
38 Lubac, Henri de, Exégèse médiévale: les quatre sens de l'Écriture, 4 vols., Paris 1959–1964Google Scholar, II. i, esp. 355–8, 393ff. This study makes extensive reference to Bede and is the best treatment of the Various schemas of the senses of scripture. Corrections of it on several points have been suggested by Jones, C., ‘Some introductory remarks on Bede's Commentary on Genesis’, Sacris Erudiri, xix (1969–1970), 115–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 131–74 at 132. See also Leclercq, J. in Cambridge History of the Bible, Cambridge 1969, iiGoogle Scholar, at 184–6, and Fowler, D., The Bible in Early English Literature, Seattle and London 1976, 40–78Google Scholar, esp. 56–63, 66–67, 72.
39 De Templo, I, II, lines 626–68, CCSL 119A. 162–3, of which the most important sentence is: ‘Medium inter hos locum tenet continentes quantum uirginibus inferiores tantum eminentiores coniugatis quorum portio gloriossima primitiuam in Hierosolimis aedificabat ecclesiam scribente beato Luca quia multitudinis credentium erat cor unum et anima una [Act. iv. 32], et cetera, quorum maximam partem uxorum reliquisse complexus testator historia sancti Stephani ubi feminas eadem religione pollentes non coniuges sed uiduas appellat eorum.’ This and other passages of the De Templo which use the expression ecclesia primitiva are discussed by Jenkins, ‘Bede as exegete’, 174, 176–7, 180.
40 The idea that there are three levels of perfection in the Church stems from Matthew xiii. 8: Quacquarelli, Antonio, II triplice frutlo delta vita Christiana: 100, 60, e 30 (Matteo XIII-8) nelle diverse interprelazioni, Rome 1953Google Scholar. The triad given by Bede is found in Ambrose, De viduis, IV. 23, and XIV. 83 = P.L., xvi. 254–5, 273–4 ; Epistola LXIII, 40 = P.L., xvi. 1251; De virginitate, VI, 34 = P.L., xvi. 288 (not quoted by Quacquarelli); as well as other Fathers. De Lubac, Exégèse mediévale, I. ii. 571–4, lists the various triads used by ancient and medieval authors: that used by Bede gave pride of place to the monastic life. Cf. De Tabemaado, I. lines 1133–41, CCSL 119A. 34.
41 Thus Augustine, De ciuitate Dei, XV. 26, CCSL 48. 493–4, took the three stories of Noah's ark as standing for these three classes of Christians.
42 See above n. 37.
43 For the analysis of this passage in current scholarship see Dupont, J., Études sur les Actes des Apôtres, Paris 1967, 511–12Google Scholar; Fitzmyer, J. A., ‘Jewish Christianity in Acts in light of the Qumran Scrolls’, Studies in Luke-Acts, Keck, L. E. and Martyn, J. L. (eds), Nashville and New York 1966, 233–57Google Scholar, at 237–8; and Brown, R. E., The Community of the Beloved Disciple, New York 1979, 38–9Google Scholar, 48–9, 55–6.
44 Schillebeeckx, E., Marriage: human reality and saving mystery, trans. Smith, N. D., New York 1965Google Scholar, considers this at a number of points. More recently, see the references to the work of Heinz Schiirmann and Bouyer, Louis in Balthasar, H. U. von, ‘Current trends in Catholic theology and the responsibility of the Christian’, Communio, v (1978), 77–85Google Scholar, at 81, along with Schürmann's ‘Der jüngerkreis Jesu als Zeichen für Israel (und als Urbild des kirchlichen Rätestandes)’, Geist und Leben, xxxvi (1963), 21–35Google Scholar, and the description of the literature generated by this study in Halkenhäuser, Johannes, Kirche und Kommunität. Ein Beîtrag zur Geschichte und zur Auftrag der kommunitären Bewegung in der Kirchen der Reformation, Paderborn 1978, 241–6Google Scholar. See also pp. 262–6 of Halkenhauser for recent bibliography on celibacy.
45 Bede makes one further comment on Acts xi. 29–30 (see above n. 18), Laistner, Bedae Venerabilis, 128, which is of no direct interest here, but shows that he sometimes returned to passages he had earlier discussed, not because he had new historical-critical questions to raise but because a point of theological understanding had arisen.
46 Exégèse médiévale, II, i. 417–18, and Meyvaert, ‘Bede the scholar’, 60–2. On the use of Josephus, see Laistner, Thought and Letters, 161, and Siegmund, Überlieferung, 164–5, clarifying Laistner's Intellectual Heritage, 100–2.
47 I use here the convention of speaking of all the spiritual senses as the spiritual sense: for this and the distinctions involved, see my ‘Allegory, typology, and symbol: the sensus spiritalis, Part I: Definitions and earliest history; Part II: Early Church through Origen’. Communio, iv (1977), 161–79Google Scholar, 357–84. See Bischoff, further B., ‘Turning-points in the history of Latin exegesis in the early Middle Ages’, trans. O'Grady, C., in Biblical Studies: the medieval Irish contribution, Proc. Irish Biblical Association, No. 1, Martin McNamara (ed.), Dublin 1976, 73–160Google Scholar; CHB, II. 186; Musca, Venerabile Beda, 99–100; and Davidse, Jan, Beda Venerabilis' interpretatie van de historische werkelijkkeid, Groningen 1976, 22–54Google Scholar, which discusses the ecclesia primitiva on pp. 35–6, 42–3, 68, 124, 127.
48 I have not had occasion to use Bede's Nomina regionum atque locorum de Actibus Apostolorum, ed. Laistner, Expositio, 147–58, in the present paper, but it should at least be noted that Bede went to the trouble of composing a separate alphabetical list of the places and cities mentioned in Acts, which he presents without any allegorisation. The work in its use of alphabetisation maintained the classical mode of arrangement used by the old grammarians, rather than the newer or medieval topographic method. The picture of Bede given in the present paper agrees with that of Blair, Northumbria, 62–83, and P. Wormald, ‘Bede and Benedict Biscop’, in Famulus Christi, Bonner (ed.), 141–69.
